Keywords:America; Brooklyn, New York; Budapest, Hungary; Eastern Europe; family; family background; family history; grandfather; grandmother; grandparents; heritage; immigrants; immigration; Kiev, Ukraine; Kiyev; Kyiv, Ukraine; New York City; parents; Riga, Latvia; roots; Russia; U.S.; United States; US; Vienna, Austria
Keywords:Antony Polonsky; Brandeis University; college education; education; Eurocentrism; Gemara; genealogy; Hebrew University of Jerusalem; high school; history major; Israel; Jewish culture; Jewish historian; Jewish identity; Jewish studies; Jewishness; junior year abroad; Orthodox yeshiva; public school; study abroad; Talmud; undergraduate education; Yeshiva University
CHRISTA WHITNEY:So this is Christa Whitney, and today is December 16th, 2013.
I'm here at the Association for Jewish Studies Conference in Boston with GlennDynner, and we're going to record an interview as part of the Yiddish BookCenter's Wexler Oral History Project. Do I have your permission to record?
GLENN DYNNER:Yes.
CW:Thank you. So, can you just tell me briefly what you know about your family background?
GD:In what respect?
CW:Well, do you know how they came to this country?
GD:Ah. Okay. I don't have so much the typical story, because my parents were
both born in America. Grandparents -- one came over when she was three -- she 1:00was born in a small town or village outside of Kiev -- it was called "Kipel" inher rendering -- probably Kupel if you look on a map -- that's my maternalgrandmother. Grandfather came over from Vienna when he was thirteen; he joinedthe Merchant Marine. And then, on my mother's side, it was a much moreassimilated background -- actually, my father's father was also quiteassimilated -- I mean, really, in that Viennese fashion. On my mother's side --so, her father was born in Riga, Latvia, but again, as a baby, brought over toBrooklyn. And then her mother was born in Budapest, and came over as a baby. 2:00That's the extent of my knowledge. I could have it a little wrong, but that'spretty much the idea. So we have some very, very diverse background there. Wehave Ukraine marrying Vienna, Austria; we have Budapest marrying Riga, Latvia.And, well, the marriages worked out, more or less. But these are very differentcultural backgrounds coming together.
CW:Yeah. So can you describe the home that you grew up in?
GD:So the home I grew up in, I think, eradicated most of those distinctions. And
even though I always considered my mother to be more genteel and my father to bemore rough around the edges -- sort of the East European type -- he alwayslooked up to his father so much, so he was always trying to emulate that 3:00Viennese thing, but then, he'd -- sort of, the Ukrainian would spill out. Ithink there's a real effort to suppress all of that Old World, ethnicJewishness, to the extreme -- to the point where they moved to neighborhoodsthat weren't considered distinctly Jewish, they went to a Reform temple where wewere Hebrews, not Jews -- the Washington Hebrew Congregation -- this is a suburbof Washington, DC, that I grew up in -- Potomac, Maryland. And Yiddish wasalways a sign of derision. So you would hear them say a Yiddish term to make funof each other, or to make fun of each other's -- well, usually my dad's mother.It was a signal to us that this represented backwardness, and it was something 4:00to really kind of hold up as an object of ridicule and to differentiateourselves from.
CW:What languages, if any, other than English, were you exposed to, growing up?
GD:None.
CW:What was Jewish about your home?
GD:Very little. We had a Christmas tree. The story is, we had a Christmas tree
until I was five or six years old. And I was the one, apparently, who said, "Idon't want to celebrate Christmas anymore, because we're Jewish." So I was apain in the ass back then, too. And they actually were sufficiently embarrassedto never have a Christmas tree again. So we would celebrate Hanukkah in the 5:00home. Never Shabbat. But we would have a Passover Seder, and sometimes in ourhome, sometimes in the home of, I think, equally acculturated or assimilatedfriends who also went to our temple. And it was a two or three times a yearexperience. So it wasn't a part of growing up; it was something you did whichentailed putting on a tie and a jacket and suffering. And yet, the food wasgreat. The food was great. Like, around Passover, whenever you'd have, like, areal matzo ball soup, it was great. So.
CW:What was your attendance to the Reform temple?
GD:Twice a year. Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur. Maybe a bar mitzvah, if you had
one. And I did have a bar mitzvah.
CW:And can you describe just a little bit about the neighborhood that you grew
GD:Yeah. So, I grew up in Potomac, Maryland, which is often considered a very
Jewish suburb, but we were really in the part of Potomac that was not -- it wasconsidered more the WASP-y part of Potomac. There was a clubhouse, a swimmingpool, a tennis court -- very competitive sports-wise, and especially swimmingand tennis were taken very seriously. That was your culture. And yet, I did havepiano lessons. I became, I think, a very serious pianist -- concert pianist --where I was practicing two hours a day. And that classical music, in an odd way,was a very Jewish thing. If you read some of the Jewish literature -- like,Isaac Babel, if you consider Jewish literature -- he could be writing about mewith his violin lessons. So there was something Jewish about that that I don't 7:00think our friends did. They didn't have piano lessons, they didn't have violinlessons. So there was still something to that engagement with higher culturethat, ironically, I experience as a kind of expression of Jewishness, eventhough -- you know, what are we playing? We're playing Beethoven sonatas, Mozartconcertos -- not exactly Jewish music. And yet, the piano lessons, the violinlessons -- it was only my Jewish friends who seemed to be doing this.
CW:How much, if ever, was Europe discussed growing up?
GD:Europe was discussed, but never -- or rarely -- in the sense that this is
where we used to live, and this is where we were persecuted and annihilated.Europe was spoken about with the utmost reverence -- that this is the heart of 8:00culture. There's a real European envy that I saw in this worship of classicalmusic, art -- really, the only good art seems to come from Europe in thismentality, and it's a completely Eurocentric upbringing in the sense that highculture is equated with Europe. You hear about the Holocaust. At a certain age,my father gave me "Mila 18" -- which he pronounced "mile eighteen" -- it'sactually "MiÅa 18," once you learn Polish -- and I've been to the street now.And that was the first time I had encountered the Holocaust. But when they didthe miniseries on TV, we were there, we were watching it -- this is an importantthing for you to learn about. Max Dimont's "Jews, God, and History" -- you haveto read this, you have to learn about this, this is your -- so there was thiskind of odd, almost paradoxical avoidance and then imperative to confront it. 9:00That's how I'd describe it.
CW:So what organizations were your parents involved in, if any?
GD:Organizations? The temple -- but only very passively. They had season tickets
to the Kennedy Center and Wolf Trap, which was for their mainly classical musicballet performances, and so on. Organizations -- see, I think my father becameactive in joining these organizations after my parents got divorced and he got ajob in Boston. He became sort of interested, drawn into that Boston Brahminsociety, where he became a board member of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, he's 10:00on the board of the Boston Lyric Opera. And he became very involved in marineconservation, especially, since he's an expert diver, and there's anorganization called Conservation International that he is now on the board ofand very active in. So these are the kinds of organizations that he's becomeinvolved in -- but only rather late in life, and I think after he had thefinancial ability to do so, because you have to pay to be on these boards, andyou have to give a lot of money to be on these boards. So that might have beenpart of it. But I don't think there was much organizational, institutionalinvolvement when my parents were together. I don't remember if it was happening.
CW:So I'd like to ask a little, just very briefly, about your educational
background. Can you give me a brief version of your --
GD:A brief version of my educational background. I went to public school my
whole life, through high school. And it was weird for me. I did feel kind of an 11:00alienation, I think, that later on I attributed to my Jewishness. I knew I wasdifferent. Even though I had blond hair, blue eyes, I was athletic, I fit in,but I always felt different. Later on, I reconstructed that in a certain way. Itwas odd to me that my junior year abroad, I went to Israel -- to HebrewUniversity of Jerusalem. And it was the first time I'd really met Jews -- like,in large numbers. And suddenly, a lot of these personality quirks -- myneurosis, my anxieties, my hyper-intellectualism -- I realized these were Jewishcultural traits that I had always just experienced as just being me. And thatwas really empowering for me. It was life-changing, in fact, to feel that, Wow,I'm actually part of a culture, and it's nothing to be ashamed of -- in fact,it's something to be extremely proud about. Even the neurosis part. (laughs) 12:00Embrace it, you know?
CW:And then you spent your time after -- I mean, at Brandeis, and then McGill,
and then Brandeis again, right?
GD:Yeah. So I transferred into Brandeis after being in Israel -- feeling like
Yeshiva University would be too extreme. I'd become more religious; I'd goneinto an Orthodox yeshiva, experienced studying Talmud, studying Gemara. It wasspectacular for me -- I could almost see myself spending the rest of my lifestudying Gemara -- you know, just in a khevruse [group], the rest of my life,living in an ultra-Orthodox community -- except that my real, deep engagementwith European non-Jewish high culture was an inoculation against that. Becauseat the same time, I also realized that you can get deep spiritual gratificationfrom a symphony, from a great work of art. And so I was almost immune to thebal-tshuve -- you know, religious return that a lot of my friends were 13:00experiencing -- because it involves a rejection of the culture that I also lovedand I had been nurtured on, in a very deep and meaningful way. So what happens,then, is I decide on Brandeis as a kind of a compromise -- which wasn't totallywrong. It did end up being like that in a quirky kind of a way. And of course,at Brandeis, I discovered Jewish Studies. I was a History major -- because Godforbid you should focus too much on Jews -- so I really -- and also, I felt likean imperative, like, I have to master the history of Britain, history of France,history of Germany -- I still have that really strong Eurocentric feeling that Ihad to master this first before I could then sort of delve into more boutiquekinds of things like Jewish history. But while I was there -- undergrad -- Istudied with Antony Polonsky, who's one of the leaders of Polish Jewish Studies,who had been trained as a Polish historian. So you've got nothing over him on 14:00general non-Jewish history, and yet, here's somebody who came to Jewish historylate in life, was able to frame it in ways that was meaningful to the rest ofthe world -- using that same language, the same methodology. In other words, heprofessionalized Jewish history in a very important way -- through his journal,through his own writings, and so on -- and that was my exposure, which almostwas like a heksher [stamp of kosher approval] for Jewish history, you know? Anon-Jewish heksher. (laughs) It made it something that you don't just do forpersonal exploration. I had a little bit of that Viennese grandfather in mewhich said, You shouldn't be sentimental. You shouldn't be looking at exploringyour own roots. You've got to be tough and hold yours-- keep yourself out ofthis, and become cultured and educated in an objective way. And I -- maybe I've 15:00held that throughout my career a little bit. Because I was just talking tosomebody -- Michael Silber -- today. I met him for the first time. We had, like,an hour and a half coffee, and he's saying how he's so interested in genealogynow -- which as historians, we're taught to keep away from, because it's notprofessional -- and I still found myself saying, Ugh, I could go into my owngenealogy -- I have the languages, I have the tools, I even know all thearchivists -- but I just feel like -- I don't know, I just -- it's not all aboutme. I want to write about, you know, history. I don't want to write about me. Itseems so narcissistic or something. So I still have that barrier to that kind ofself-exploration, even though, obviously, that's exactly what I'm doing. I mean,I'm a Jewish historian, for God's sake. You know, I'm studying Eastern Europe,where all my family came from. But I still -- I'm holding off on that personalexploration thing -- in my own mind, anyways.
GD:Yes. I would describe him as having an erudition which is, unfortunately, so
rare nowadays -- because of specialization, but also because we don't readenough. And he can speak and you forget -- every time you see him, you forgethow wonderful it is to just sit and listen to him talk, because it's just solearned. He may not have the kind of expertise that we value sometimes in thefield now -- which is the Rabbinic Hebrew, the internal Jewish religiousculture. And that's something I tried to fill myself, sort of making my ownname, and gather that, without sacrificing the context. But, at the same time,what I would say is, he's taught me the importance of context -- that you can'tstudy Judaism in a vacuum, you can't study Jewish culture in a vacuum. That the 17:00study of Jewish history also has to also be a study of the peoples among whomJews lived. And you need to learn those languages. So, Yiddish is not enough.Hebrew is not enough. You have to learn Polish -- preferably, German andRussian, too. Even French, because a lot of the stuff I'm seeing is in French.You have to understand Jews in a horizontal way -- where they're living amongother people, they're influenced deeply, shaped by these other peoples, there'ssome exchange going on. And that's an important thing. At the same time, as Igrew as a historian, I began to write against this approach. Now, Antony's beenvery active in Polish-Jewish relations -- sometimes conciliatory to a fault,wanting so badly for Jews and Poles to get along that we sort of sift out allthe nasty stuff. He's not terrible about it, but you could make that criticism 18:00about him. Another thing is, really, his focus is on acculturated Jews,Polonized Jews. And I understand how important that is to the cause ofPolish-Jewish relations. We can agree that there were certain Jews who did learnPolish, speak Polish, go to Polish schools, write in Polish, and so on, and theyneed to be part of the story. However, in my opinion, they can't be allowed tobecome the story, because they're not representative -- down to the Holocaust,they're not really representative. This is a culture that differentiated. Peretzknew this. You know, and Peretz had the ch-- if he wanted to become completelyPolonized, he could. But instead, he recognized, you're in a place where ethnicnationalism reigns supreme -- that's defining people's identities. And to trulygrasp Polish Jewish history, I feel we have to come to terms with the fact that 19:00the vast majority of Jews were deeply traditionalist throughout the nineteenthcentury and, perhaps, even throughout much of the twentieth century -- thatacculturation, Polonization, is a minority phenomenon. And it can become the s--we can't allow it to be the sole focus. We have to allow for the possibilitythat modernity entailed these very traditionalist cultures. We might not likethem -- they're xenophobic, they're misogynistic -- but they adjust to modernityjust as well as the Polonized Jews do. They build new institutions -- turn ofthe twentieth century, you have Hasidic yeshivas going up, networks of shtiblekh[small Hasidic houses of prayer] that are just as vital and potent as theZionist networks and the Bundist clubs and the Polish literary clubs, and so on.And to truly understand this history, I think we need to inject some skepticismin this Polonized focus that Polonsky has introduced. So it's a bit of -- I 20:00think everybody goes through this, where you idolize your dissertation advisorfor a long time, but then you start to feel shortcomings, and the shortcomingsstart to eat away at you. And you also -- I think. strategically, you want tocarve out your own place. And so I found myself moving into opposition a littlebit -- but, of course, with full respect and admiration.
CW:So, how -- when did Yiddish become something you needed to study, and how did
you go about it?
GD:So, I needed to learn Yiddish as part of my training -- I had an examination
in it -- but it was only learning enough to get through the exam. The reason is,is I was doing nineteenth century. There isn't much until the late nineteenthcentury -- there isn't much in terms of Yiddish literature. Now, I needed to 21:00know enough to be able to read Shatzky's "Yidn in varshe [Jews in Warsaw]," forexample -- you know, "The Jews of Warsaw" -- but only enough to get the gist.And then you move on -- the problem is, even studying Hasidism, in order tosanctify something -- and that even includes Hasidic tales -- they would take anoriginally oral Yiddish tale and translate it into Hebrew and then write it downand print it. Same with Hasidic teachings. My first book was on the rise ofHasidism and how it became a mass movement in Poland. So, I'm realizing, Wait, Idon't need Yiddish. So where do I focus? I focus on the Hebrew. I focus on thePolish. I can -- I have access to the government archives, and so on. The nextbook, on Jewish tavern keepers -- that starts to get more into Yiddishliterature, because I'm getting later now, I'm starting to realize -- I foundthis enormous trove of kvitlekh, these petitions to a miracle worker by the name 22:00of Elijah Guttmacher. I'm thinking, Oh my God, this is such great material --there's thousands of these petitions, each one tells a story that's deeplyintimate about the petitioner's life, and so on -- what a great source -- fromthe 1870s. I need this stuff. I go, I'm all prepared -- okay, I'm going to haveto really work on my Yiddish now and really refine it -- lo and behold, they'rewriting their petitions in Hebrew most of the time, because that's the -- theymight not speak Hebrew, but they're translated or they're having somebodytranslate for them. So I put it off even more. Now, occasionally, I would find awork of Yiddish literature that dealt with the tavern keeper -- like, Mendele isa great example -- but these are rare. It's only this new project now, where I'mmoving into the twentieth century to really test out this whole "traditionwithin modernity" theory -- you know, how traditionalists survived and really 23:00thrived despite modernity -- that I realize, Oh my God, I really need to work onmy Yiddish. So I started. I went through all of college Yiddish -- again, I'dbeen through it for the most part, but I went through it all over again. I madeit through the whole thing -- this is Weinreich's "College Yiddish" -- and thenI felt ready to start reading memoirs, so I've started reading Yiddish memoirsnow. And I have to tell you, it's like falling in love again. Because thelanguage is just -- it's as natural as a flowing stream. I've never felt thatway about a language -- not with Polish, not with Hebrew. That it's somehow justflowing. And it's speaking to me in a certain way that's just been 24:00extraordinary. So, every morning, I get up early, I put the kids on the bus, andI spend an hour with my Yiddish memoirs. And it's been a fantastic experience,because you get to see -- in the memoir, you get to see -- there's a lot ofdialogue there, you get to kind of sense the language, how it's spoken, howthoughts are formulated in Yiddish. And it's just been fantastic. I would almostsay it's sui generis if I didn't know better -- I'd almost say that there'snothing like this -- you have to read the memoir in Yiddish to really appreciateit. But of course, people wrote in other languages and were just as genuine andauthentic. But it's been fantastic. So it's almost been like a rediscovery ofYiddish for me.
CW:I'd like to ask just generally about language, since you have several that
you work with. In the context of -- sort of in the largest context -- how does 25:00language influence identity?
GD:I think language influences identity to the point where you're a different
person depending on what language you speak. I wouldn't go -- take this too far,but there is a sense that you're speaking a language when you're embodying onekind of identity, and you're speaking another language when you're embodyinganother identity. The one that you choose the most, I think, is a goodindication of where you fall on the cultural spectrum. The more acculturatedwould seem to be much -- not necessarily more comfortable, but really preferringto speak and write in Polish and Russian. So that puts you -- let's putacculturation, assimilation over here. It gets complicated with Hebrew. Hebrew 26:00could be Rabbinic Hebrew -- but you're only writing it, you're not speaking it.For the most part, when you start dealing with Hebrew as a spoken language and alanguage of what we would call higher literature -- belles-lettres, so on -- youwould fall more on the spectrum of, you're integrated -- I take that back --you're integrated without being integrated. To become a Zionist, to become aspeaker and writer of modern Hebrew, you're usually not part of this religiousmilieu. You are part of a -- almost unrequited love affair with Polish culture,and you formed your Zionist identity almost out of a sense of rejection -- thatyou couldn't join Polish or Russian society because of anti-Semitism and 27:00violence. And so, you take lemons and you make lemonade. We're gonna create ourown language, our own culture, our own nation -- Zionism. And I think the Hebrewwould fall, in this respect, very much in line with a Zionist's inclination.Yiddish. Yiddish is obviously a complicated one, even more so, because you'redealing with the religious masses who are speaking Yiddish, and then you'redealing with Peretz's Yiddishists or Weinreich's Yiddishists, who have come backto Yiddish almost as a rediscovery of the folk [peoplehood] -- usually, with asocialist inclination, a Bundist inclination -- and they're cultivating this asthe language of the diaspora. We're not going anywhere, we belong here, Polandis our home -- and yet, we don't belong enough to actually speak Polish or re--it's a strange kind of identity that forms. But I would place the Yiddish morein line with either the religious or the socialist subcultures. And believe me, 28:00there are plenty of scholars who will say, You're exaggerating, you'reover-stating, whatever. But I think this is a rough sketch.
CW:What connection, if any, do you see from the period -- Hasidim in the period
that you're studying and Hasidim today?
GD:Say the question again, please?
CW:What is the connection, for you, between the Hasidim that you're studying and
the population today?
GD:I don't know yet, because I'm very familiar -- as familiar as a historian can
be -- with late-eighteenth-, nineteenth-century Hasidism, but there's a huge gapin our knowledge when it comes to the twentieth century. We don't have a goodmonograph about twentieth-century Hasidism. So it's almost like a broken link. 29:00We don't know how close Satmar Hasidism, for example, is -- in America -- is tothe Hasidism that I studied over in Eastern Europe. I am suspicious, though.Because when I look at Satmar writings and I speak to Satmar Hasidim, I'm notexperiencing Hasidism as I know it. The basic terminology doesn't seem to bethere, other than the Rebbe. It's almost as if you've got the vessel without thecontent -- that they have a Hasidic structure -- the Rebbe is this charismaticand extremely influential figure who's venerated -- and yet, at least in theSatmar communities, you're seeing that their roots are very much in Hungary, andthey're quoting non-Hasidic sources to, for example, endorse the head-shaving of 30:00women, and they're quoting non-Hasidic sources to endorse the adoption ofcertain modes of dress which we associate with traditional or Hasidic --Hildesheimer, Khatam Sofer -- these are not Hasidic figures that they'requoting. So I become very, very wary of naturally associating Satmar with theHasidism that I've studied. Lubavitch seems a lot closer. Lubavitch seems tomaintain that link to the Alter Rebbe. And recently, Elliot Wolfson wrote afantastic but difficult monograph linking the ideology and theology of the lastLubavitch Rebbe with the first one, and argued very persuasively that there's acontinuum there. So, I think it's a complicated question, because I think someHasidic groups in the contemporary scene have maintained that khsides [Hasidic 31:00doctrine], others have not.
CW:I want to ask now about teaching this material. What's been challenging and
delightful about teaching Jewish Studies, in your experience?
GD:Jewish Studies in general?
CW:Yeah.
GD:Oh. No Jews seem to want to take Jewish Studies, which is bad and great,
depending on what your aims are. My aims are not necessarily Jewish continuity.My priority is to have a vibrant discussion in the classroom. The best-casescenario for me -- and this has been the case many time at Sarah Lawrence -- is,there may be two or three Jews who strongly identify as Jewish, another few who 32:00weren't really raised Jewish -- maybe even less than I was raised Jewish -- andthen fundamentalist Christians and maybe even more just passive Christians --you know, those who are nonreligious, irreligious -- and you get everybody inthe same room relating to the exact same text, the exact same ideas. And that'swhere you get diversity of discussion and you actually make some progress. It'sbeen very difficult -- the most frustrating thing sometimes is to overcome whatpeople have learned in Jewish day school. I have also some women who werebrought up in the Satmar community who found their way to Sarah Lawrence andhave been taken my classes and so on. How do you unlearn insularity,superiority? How do you unlearn that certitude that comes from, you know, 33:00fifteen, how many years of Jewish day school? It's very hard to overcome themyths, the biases. So it can be almost more frustrating to have somebody with areally deep Jewish background. Because what do they learn in Jewish day school?They've learned a persecution narrative -- that the experience of being Jewishis being kicked out or kicked. And how do you say -- without denying that thishappened -- that's that not really the way that historians today relate toJewish history? That there's -- we want to find out what happened, we want tofind out -- coexistence, because obviously you don't have three-fourths of theworld's Jews settling in the Polish lands -- three-fourths of the world's Jewishpopulation settling there -- if it were inhospitable. No, it was once veryhospitable -- that's why you had all these Jews living there. Things turned uglyat certain points: once in 1648, even more so in 1881, then 1903 to '06, and 34:00then we all know what happened after that. And so on. But we need to put it allin perspective. It's very hard when somebody's been reared on this notion: Theyhate us, they've always hated us, they always will hate us, that's why we need astrong Israel.
CW:What do you see as the role of the academic in transmitting culture?
GD:This relates to the last question. Is my role in the classroom to foster
Jewish identity, Jewish pride, Jewish heritage? Sure, why not? But only, Ithink, as a byproduct of what is arguably more serious, and that is discoveringwhat was life like for a diaspora culture -- and not just any diaspora culture-- the Jews -- has a special kick to it in every possible context. What was life 35:00like? And since I'm focused on Eastern Europe, what was life like for themajority of Jews of the world in this time period? And that's what we need tofigure out. Because today, we're all diasporas, really. I mean, we're all --that's the norm now, to be a diaspora. We're all rootless. We're all placed insituations where -- how many people can you say, like, they're living in thetown that their parents and grandparents and great-grandparents lived in? Itjust doesn't happen. So that sense, I think, is a more serious kind of inquiry.And what literature -- what culture is produced out of suffering -- out of asense of being a pariah -- or out of a sense of finally being accepted? Whathappens when Jews meet Christians in a meaningful way? I think all thesequestions are even more important than, what does it mean that I was born 36:00Jewish? Because obviously, the university is not a yeshiva. That's not our task.The university -- the college -- it's a place where you learn how to think. Andyou learn how to think by embodying different perspectives. So, people ask meall the time, Why are more than half of the students in your classes not Jewish?Why are they taking -- why are they interested? Well, I don't know. Ask aChinese historian why they're all learning about China. Oh, well that's obvious,because China's on the rise, blah-blah-blah. Well, okay. Maybe. But maybe --just maybe -- there's a curiosity -- an innate curiosity about the Jewishexperience that we should be okay with, we should be welcoming.
CW:What connection, if any, is there for you between your academic work and your
own identity?
GD:Oh, I can't answer that question. That's just -- that'll expose me as being non-professional.
CW:(laughs) Okay. What do you see as the place of Yiddish within the field of
Eastern European Jewish Studies?
GD:Ah, how do you position Jewish Studies within Eastern European --
CW:And Yiddish, particularly.
GD:-- and Yiddish in particular. Okay. First off, I'd like to quote what the
historian Jacob Goldberg said -- or used to say -- on numerous occasions, "Therecan be no Polish history without Jewish history, and there can be no Jewishhistory without Polish history." What does he mean? He means that you grow upamong each other. Now, I don't want to exaggerate this coexistence, because yes,there was coexistence -- rough coexistence that eventually, occasionally, wouldbreak down -- there would be violence -- but by and large, it worked. There was 38:00coexistence. But it's only within very heavily prescribed roles -- roles in theeconomy. The tavern keeper -- the Jewish tavern keeper. The peasant clientele inthe tavern. The nobleman -- the Polish nobleman who owns the tavern and leasesit to -- in other words, you each had your role. It could be estate-based, butit was also obviously more than that -- it was also ethnically and religiouslybased. What that means is we have a kind of coexistence that looks verydifferent from what we have in America today, where you can be whatever you wantto be, within reason. And so on. So I would say that it's crucial to understandwhat life was like in Poland by also understanding what was going on in thetavern, in the marketplace -- these are places where Jews inhabited veryimportant roles. And you won't be a good Polish historian unless you learn it. 39:00And unfortunately, they haven't yet. I mean, most have not yet, although it'simproving a great deal. Where does Yiddish fit in? It's the vernacular. It'swhat people speak. I feel like I'm becoming a better historian the better myYiddish becomes. It can sound mystical, but I'm feeling a sense of rhythm that Idid not have the same access to before -- maybe in other languages I could feelthat rhythm, but there's nothing like the rhythm of the vernacular.
CW:What's your analysis of what's going on with Jewish Studies in Poland today?
GD:Poland often exhibits an inferiority complex, for good reasons. This is a
state that existed, that didn't exist, that existed, that -- and just as soon asthey get independence, what happens? Germany invades from one side, the Soviet 40:00Union invades from another. And the end of World War II is not a happy ending,because you become a Soviet satellite. It's only until 1989 -- so, there's areal sense of wanting to be Western. I've even been corrected -- you know, Godforbid I should call Poland part of Eastern Europe. No, no. We're East-CentralEurope. You know, you can see that. Now, how does that influence Jewish Studies?There's even more than what I described with Antony Polonsky -- even more so,there's a tendency to focus on only those Jews who were Polonized, who wereacculturated. And what happens is, some Polish historians are almost fabricatingartificial Haskalah, because we don't want to think of our Jews as backwards, asEastern-oriented, as Hasidic. And the effect of all this is to allow the 41:00traditionalist Jewish masses to really recede into the background. And you'refocusing on a small group of Polonized Jews living in Warsaw who fought forPoland during the uprisings against the czar. And I'm afraid that you're kiddingyourself. This was not a representative sample. This was a specific group withspecific goals and orientations that in many ways broke with the Jewishtradition. How did they break with it? Being willing to fight and die fornationalism. It's a new phenomenon, and it's not a widespread phenomenon. Andyet, Polish historians will still try to emphasize Polish patriots among theJews. I think it's an apologetic enterprise, and I'm deeply ambivalent about it.I think we need to turn and face the music. If the majority of Jewsdifferentiated themselves or maintained a sort of cold neutrality -- or didn't 42:00-- we need to come to terms with that, and we can't be trying to speak to anagenda -- even if it's well-meaning. Even if it helps Polish-Jewish relations tofocus on the most Polonized, we can't allow ourselves to continue to do that. Weneed a much more representative history of the Jews of Poland. I don't see ithappening in Poland yet. I don't see the Polish historians really learningHebrew. I've seen entire books come out about Hasidism in Poland by authors whocan't even read Hasidic texts because they can't read the Hebrew. So you'relooking almost from the outside -- you're looking -- it's like an aquarium sortof approach to history -- your only perspective is the outsider perspective. Howare you ever going to understand the Hasidic community that way? So these aresome of the problems. I think the training needs to be rigorous. Hebrew -- not 43:00just Hebrew, Rabbinic Hebrew -- so we can gain a sense of all these differentperspectives, and get a much fuller, richer picture of what Polish Jewishculture was. And that includes Yiddish, of course.
CW:Is there a connection for you -- or what connection, if any, is there between
your work and interacting with contemporary populations of Jews and non-Jews --for example, when you were doing your work in Poland?
GD:See, the problem is, there's an abiding fear of presentism. By speaking to
contemporary concerns, you run the risk of imposing those concerns on an earlier 44:00period. So I really try to keep the two separate. I don't know if that's right.I don't know if people will disagree strongly with me. But I feel that the pastwas different. It's fascinating to me when I see lingering traces of the past inthe present. Go to the town of Kotzk today, where the famous Kotzke Rebbe hadhis court. Go there. You'll see the place where he lived, you'll see where hiscourt was -- the attic where he banished himself in seclusion the last twenty orso years of his life. It's fascinating. And you can see little traces of theeighteenth century peeking through the storefronts -- you know, an older coat ofpaint, an older building, and so on, behind all the glaring signs of modernity,and so on. That kind of thing's fascinating to me -- but only heuristically. Youknow, it's something that maybe draws the reader's interest. But to rely on the 45:00present as an indicator of the past, I think, is very hazardous.
CW:I'd like to end by asking, do you have advice to students who are considering
getting into your field?
GD:I would say, you have to learn languages. The problem is, when you don't
learn a language, you use that as an unconscious reason for ignoring a wholebody of material: It can't be important, since I don't know that language. Inorder to be a great historian of Eastern Europe, you need to learn Hebrew,Yiddish, and a Slavic language -- Russian or Polish. You need to. It's athree-pronged kind of a thing. Learn the languages. The second thing I would say 46:00is, try with all your might not to approach any project with a preconceived idea-- because what happens then is you start trying to cram all your sources intothat preconceived ideational category, and you wind up doing bad history. Try tohave a completely open mind and be willing to be wrong as you approach thesesources. Let these sources speak for themselves before you give them aninterpretation. That's the kind of advice I would give.
CW:A hartsikn dank [Thank you very much]. Thank you for your time -- from me and