Keywords:1910s; 1960s; 1970s; 1980s; anti-Semitism; antisemitism; desecration of graves; family background; family history; Jewish-non-Jewish relations; Leon Trotsky; Polish Jews; post-Holocaust Europe; Red Army; Shalom Shtern; Sholem Shtern; Soviet Union; Tishevitz; Tishivits; Tyszowce, Poland; USSR; World War 1; World War I; WW1; WWI
Keywords:1920s; 1940s; 1950s; 1960s; Canada; Es likhtikt (It Is Light); Holocaust; Holocaust trauma; immigrant communities; immigration; In kanade (In Canada); Inderfri (In the Morning); Montreal; Noentkayt (Nearness); Noentkeyt (Nearness); poet; poetry; post-Holocaust literature; Shalom Shtern; Sholem Shtern; World War 2; World War II; writer; WW2; WWII; Yiddish poetry; Yiddish writer
Keywords:1930s; 1940s; 1970s; 1980s; Canada; English language; Joseph Stalin; Montreal; Shalom Shtern; Sholem Shtern; World War 2; World War II; writer; WW2; WWII; Yiddish language; Yiddish speakers; Yiddish writer
Keywords:1960s; adolescence; attitudes towards Yiddish; English language; French language; novel in verse; poetry; prose writing; Shrayber vos ikh hob gekent; socioeconomic status; teenage years; The White House; Yiddish in translation; Yiddish language; Yiddish literature; Yiddish poetry
Keywords:1960s; anti-Semitism; antisemitism; Canadian Jews; communism; democracy; Israel; Joseph Stalin; Poland; post-war Poland; Soviet Union; State of Israel; USSR
CHRISTA WHITNEY: This is Christa Whitney, and today is July 20th, 2016. I am
here in -- Mississauga? Is that how you say it? (laughs)
DAVID SHTERN: Right. Yeah, Mississauga.
CW: Ontario, Canada --
DS: Yeah.
CW: -- with David Shtern, and we're going to record an interview as part of the
Yiddish Book Center's Wexler Oral History Project. Do I have your permission to record?
DS: Sure.
CW: Great. So, let's jump in. Today we'll mostly be talking about your father.
Can you just say his name and when and where he was born?
DS: Yeah. His name was Sholem Shtern. He was born in a small town in Poland
called Tishevitz -- or, pronounced in Poland, Tyszowce, which I guess is near 1:00the Czech border. And we used to celebrate his birthday on January 1st, 1907.(laughs) However, it's not very clear to me when his birth date actually was,because he wasn't much interested in his own birthday. And when my grandmotherwas alive, she used to phone at some point in the fall or the winter and say,"It's your father's birthday today, right?" And he'd say something like, "Oh,really?" And so, after my grandmother passed away there wasn't -- we didn'tknow, based on the Hebrew calendar, when his birthday was, so we celebrated hisbirthday on January the 1st, 1907. That's when we settled on his birthday.
CW: And do you have a sense of what Tishevitz was like?
DS: That's an interesting question. I don't have a -- he used to tell me stories
2:00about it. I guess in general, I think -- before the Second World War, there wereten thousand Jews and ten thousand Poles. And after the war there were -- therewere no Jews left. There were just the ten thousand Poles. It was a small town.It was next to a bigger center, called Szczebrzeszyn, which, from what I know,was sort of a shopping destination for my grandparents.
[BREAK IN RECORDING]
CW: What do you know about your father's parents and his family?
DS: They were Hasidim. My grandfather belonged to a Hasidic group called the
Ruzhiner. He was a follower of a rabbi who I believe was based in the Ukraine, 3:00named the [Hustiner?] rebbe. And he was a shoykhet [ritual slaughterer] bytrade. He was a religious scholar. I have his book upstairs. And they were verydevout. They came to Canada in the 1930s, and he had quite a reputation as ascholar in the Montreal community. So, yeah.
CW: And he remained a khosid [follower of Hasidism] his whole life?
DS: Oh, yeah. Yeah, yeah. In fact, towards the end of his life, when the doctors
told him he had diabetes and he was supposed to take it easy, they told him he 4:00had to take it easy, and that maybe he shouldn't get up so early in the morningto go to the synagogue and pray. This kind of really deflated him, and -- myfather felt that this was a beginning of a spiral for him. So, yeah. This wastheir life, really. Yeah.
CW: Did you get to know him?
DS: Yeah, yeah. Yeah. They lived -- my grandparents passed away when I was about
six or seven. When they were alive, we would see -- the family would gettogether, typically once a week after services on Saturday morning, and we'd allhave lunch at their house. After he passed away, the family gatherings becameless frequent, although we still did get together for holidays. Of course, allthe holidays we celebrated together, seders and Hanukkah and those holidays. 5:00Yeah. So, no, I did know him. I have nice (laughs) memories of him. I guesslooking back, maybe at his picture, you know, he had a long beard and he woreblack clothes and -- you know, when I've looked at his pictures as an adult andthinking to myself, Gee, he could have been really intimidating. But he wasn't.He had a very nice demeanor about him, and he was really nice to thegrandchildren, so, yeah. And my grandmother, I guess, was a -- was alsoobservant. She had shaved her head and wore a wig. Saturday meals were all --everything was cooked in advance. I remember them keeping the oven door open 6:00when we'd come over Tishevitz lunchtime after services, so, yeah.
CW: So, back to Tishevitz. So, you said your father would talk about it. What
would he say about it?
DS: Well, he used to tell me stories about growing up there and about his
relationship with his friends. I guess there are a bunch of anecdotes about it Icould relate. He -- during the First World War, he and his sister Shifra, they-- there wasn't much food around. He would have been, I guess, maybe about sevenor eight. He and his sister used to go to the farmers' fields and steal potatoesbecause they didn't have enough food. They used to crawl under the fences, and 7:00they would steal enough potatoes to bring home to their families so they'd havestuff to eat. He had an older brother who was killed in the First World War.They had evacuated the town at one point, and the brother and his father hadgone back to Tishevitz to sort of look at the house or to get something. And aFrench plane flew over the house and bombed the house. And his brother waskilled in the house with a -- a slat from the ceiling fell down and killed him.I think he was maybe eighteen or nineteen when he died. One of the other 8:00incidents that I remember about a lot of conversations about Tishevitz -- Imean, this -- he didn't tell me about this I guess until maybe the mid-'60s, ata time when I -- he used to like to go out with my friends sometimes, when I wasat university. And when my friends discovered that he was an old radical, Imean, this was really great stuff for them, right? 'Cause this was the '60s,right? Anyway, he told them that after the First World War, the Russian army,which was coming back from the front, stopped in Tishevitz, and Trotskyaddressed the crowd in a town square. (laughs) I never heard this story. Anyway,I said to him afterwards, I said, "Well, what exactly did he say?" And he said, 9:00"The people in the square were mostly the Jews in the town, and he told themthere was no anti-Semitism in the Soviet Union." Really something, considering(laughs) what transpired afterwards. So, this anecdote made my father verypopular with my friends. Often my friends would phone and say, Is your fathercoming with us for a beer? And I'd say, "Well, okay. He's always up for it.Sure." Now, my brother, my late brother, was a doctor, and he -- he was apediatrician. He was at Brown. And so, he was invited all over the world toconferences and stuff. And he was invited to give a lecture in Poland in -- oh,was it the late '70s or the early '80s? I don't remember. Anyway, his host said 10:00to him, "Is there something you'd like to do while you're here in Poland?" Hesaid, "I'd like to see the town where my father's from." And so, I mentioned tomy father that Leo was going to go to this town in -- to Tishevitz, and he said-- he wasn't very enthusiastic about it. He said, "There's nothing for him tosee there. There's no reason for him to go." I said, "Well, but he's curious. Hewants to see what it is." So, he said, "Well, you know, that's his choice." So,I talked to my brother when he came back. We talked over the phone about this.They lived in Rhode Island. So, he described the town to me. He said that it wasa town of ten thousand people still. He said they had one restaurant, which, 11:00according to the ratings systems in Poland, was a Class C. (laughs) And he said,"If this was Class C." (laughs) He said they occasionally showed movies in thisrestaurant once a month. But he said -- in the Jewish cemetery, he said all the-- he said part of it's been built over, and what is left of the tombstones haveall been desecrated and -- you know. Anyway, I said this to my father, and hesaid, "Well, that's what I said. I said there wasn't any reason for him to gothere." If you get the sense from this anecdote that he was not nostalgic aboutEurope and about Poland, that's exactly the case. So, yeah. 12:00
CW: What sense of his -- I mean, what do you know about his youth there?
DS: Ah. (laughs) Yeah. Well, I gather he was already interested in radical
politics even there, and he was already aspiring to be a writer. He left there-- he must have been maybe seventeen or eighteen. There was quite a big incidentabout him getting out of Poland. There was a ring of smugglers who were engagedin taking people's identity and selling them to other people so that they could 13:00get passports. His brother, his oldest living brother, had had that happen tohim, and that's why his last name is Zipper, not Shtern, because somebody hadtaken his name. So apparently, when he went to take out his passport, he had toshow up the day before in Warsaw and -- I think it was in Warsaw. So, this gangfound out about it, and he was kidnapped. And I have this story from one of mycousins, who said that they wanted to either keep him out of sight until thisother person had used his name to get a passport, or they were gonna turn himover to the police as a way of sort of staying on good terms with the police. 14:00Anyway, my grandmother caught wind of this, and she went to -- these were Jewsthat had done this. She knew who they were. So, she went to the house where hewas being held, and she could see him on the second story of this house. And shecalled out these guys in the street. She said to them, said, "I know who youare." And she said, "If you go through with this, your name is gonna be mud inthe community." She said, "I will spare nothing to make sure that everybodyknows what you've done." Anyway, so while she was talking to them, she could seehim at the window, and she was talking to them, and then she yelled, "Jump!" tohim. And he jumped out the window and ran away. And the next day he went andtook out his passport in his own name. So, (laughs) this is one story I know 15:00from his -- one of his adventures from his youth in Poland. Yeah, yeah. But hewent to a yeshiva like everybody else. I asked my mother at one time; I saidthen, "How many grades of school did he finish?" And my mother said, "Well --"'Cause he -- at one point it dawned on me that he was -- you know, he knew alot, and he was very interested in everything. And my mother said, "Oh, well,maybe four grades at the yeshiva." And I -- well, interesting. (laughs)
CW: And he went to kheyder [traditional religious class] too?
DS: Yeah. Yeah, the kheyder was in the yeshiva. Yeah, yeah. Yeah.
CW: Did he talk about his radicalization, you know, from the Hasidic family,
DS: I guess a little bit. He talks about it in "Shrayber vos ikh hob gekent
[Writers I've known]," too. He talks about how, when he arrived in Montreal, youknow, he went to the UJPO Centre, and he felt comfortable there. But I thinkhe'd already started to become radicalized in Poland. I did ask him a bunch oftimes about what his father thought about all of this. And he said that hisfather was fine with it. He said his father had told him that he, his father,was living his life differently than his own father, and that Sholem would live 17:00his life differently than his parents and that Sholem should expect that hischildren would live differently than he did. But as far as his politics wereconcerned as well, he -- I have the impression from my father that his fatherwas -- that he was a very tolerant guy, that he was really in the tradition ofbeing interested in social justice and being on the side of people who were poorand oppressed. I mean, they were dirt-poor in the shtetl [small Eastern Europeanvillage with a Jewish community], but -- and my father said that his fatheroften read his columns in the newspaper, and often, after lunch, he would sort 18:00of say, "Sholem, I read your piece in the "Freiheit," in the "Vochenblatt" orwhatever it was, and he said, "It was good. I liked it." I guess at some point,it dawned on me there must have been some problem with my grandfather being --my grandparents being so devout and my father being a political radical. But itdidn't -- they meshed. It wasn't an issue for them.
CW: Do you know anything about the previous generations? You mentioned your
father's grandfather being different than his father. Do you know anything about that?
DS: No, I -- unfortunately, I don't. I don't. Interestingly, years ago, I had --
19:00out of the blue I had an email from a man in Israel who's originally an Americanwho -- they live in Israel, and he's related to us on my grandmother's side. AndI talked to one of my cou-- his uncle, he said, is my grandmother's brother.They're Zimmermans. And I remember my grandmother had a relative in Montreal whowe'd see occasionally for family things. Not often, but occasionally. But mycousin didn't know, really know, these people. He thought maybe they came toAmerica. Maybe they were farmers in New Jersey, he wasn't sure. So, no -- I 20:00guess the short answer's no. I don't really know much about them beforehand.This distant relative in Israel did send me an extract of birth records ormarriage records from Poland, and the family name there is spelled S-Z. (laughs)Which I guess is how you'd spell it in Polish documents, yeah. Yeah.
CW: How many siblings did your father have, and can you tell me about them?
DS: Sure. There were -- altogether there were six siblings. The oldest one died
in the First World War. That's Issachar. And then, there were three brothers andtwo sisters. And they all came to Canada. They all managed to leave. My father 21:00came here, I guess, in 1926, but by the mid-1930s they were all here.
CW: They came sort of one at a time?
DS: They sponsored each other, yeah. Yeah. My father was brought here by his
brother. So, the oldest surviving brother was Yankel Zipper, who was theprincipal of the Peretz School in Montreal and also a noted writer. And so,Yankel sponsored my father, and then in turn everybody sponsored everybody else.So, there was Yankel, who's the oldest, and Yankel was a member of the Po'ale 22:00Tsiyon, so he was also, you know, on the progressive side, (laughs) although notquite as far -- as far to the left as my father. And then, the second one inline was his brother Yekhiel. Yekhiel was very religious, much like hisgrandfather, although I think he, on many instances, tried to outdo them byshowing how devout he was. (laughs) My father used to tell a story that hisfather told him, that Yekhiel used to sometimes -- you know, Montreal beingwhere it is, it got dark on Fridays pretty early during the winter. So, Yekhielwould sometimes phone his parents and say, "It's getting dark early. It's timeto light the candles." And my grandfather would say to him, "Listen, Yekhiel, Iknow very well what time it is, what time I'm supposed to light the candles.(laughs) Thanks for calling." But Yekhiel was very, very religious, although he 23:00didn't start out that way, apparently.
[BREAK IN RECORDING]
DS: But when he came to Canada he was apparently a hot revolutionary. But he --
I don't think this period lasted very long. I think he went back to thereligious traditions that he knew. Interestingly, both he and Yankel lived otherplaces in Canada for a time. I think Yankel taught school in Winnipeg at onepoint. Yeah, I know he did. He taught school in Winnipeg at one point, I believein the 1920s. And Yekhiel I believe was in Calgary at one point, teaching in aJewish school there. So, that was Yekhiel.
CW: And he also wrote?
DS: Pardon?
CW: He also wrote?
DS: Yes. There's one book that he wrote, yeah, that I believe he published in
24:00the late 1940s. He was also apparently involved in the teachers' seminar inMontreal. And I've met people here who said they had him as a teacher, and theysaid he was a great teacher. He had a very gentle demeanor. But he -- I have tosay, he was -- from what I gather, he was very much a revolutionary, and then hewas very religious. But I have nice memories of him. And so, those were the twooldest. Then there was my father's sister, his oldest sister, Shifra, Shifra 25:00Krishtalka. They were also on the left politically. They were also members ofthe UJPO. Her husband Sholem was a very active member of the UJPO. Shifra was a --
CW: Can you just explain what that is, the UJPO?
DS: Oh, the UJPO, the United Jewish People's Order. They were affiliated with --
they were supporters of the Soviet Union, I guess through the '20s and '30s and'40s and you know, later on, probably not so much. (laughs) And Shifra was akindergarten teacher. She taught at the Peretz School. She was also very activein promoting the teaching of Yiddish among other teachers. She did a workbookfor teachers teaching children in the early grades, full of illustrations. And 26:00she worked on this for a long time, very late in her life. And it's out in threevolumes. It's Cerlox bound, and it's full of illustrations and exercises andstuff. Anyway, she was a (laughs) marvelous woman. She could be very feisty andopinionated. I think she considered herself a feminist. And when my fatherpassed away, she would call me quite often just to say hello and stuff. And whenI would go to Montreal, I would visit her, and I was always happy to be in hercompany. And I would talk to her in Yiddish, 'cause this was the only personleft I could speak to in Yiddish. Anyway, she was just great. And to this day, 27:00of the people in my family that I'm close to, it's her oldest son, Aaron, that Italk to and that I try to see when we go to Montreal. He tries to come and visitus here in Toronto.
CW: Is he the writer, or is --
DS: Yes, he is. Yes, he is. And we have his book upstairs. I can bring it down
here and add it to the pile. It was published when he was thirteen, with aforeword by my father. (laughs) It's a bit incestuous, but it was the only bookin Yiddish he wrote. Thirteen years old, and he wrote this book. There's a greatpicture around somewhere of he and my father together on a street corner inMontreal. I guess this is shortly before his book came out, or maybe after it 28:00came out. They're standing on the street corner, and Aaron's maybe fourteen inthis picture. And he's towering over my father. (laughs) My father has hisnewspapers sticking out of the jackets of his suit pockets, rolled-up newspaperssticking out of the jackets, and he has his arm around Aaron. (laughs) Anyway,it's a very nice picture. It's one of my favorite pictures. So, that's Shifra.And, you know, I would descr-- and so -- and then his younger sister was Henne.She was one of the two siblings in the family to go to university. She was anurse, a graduate nurse. She served in the Canadian Armed Forces here in Canadaduring the Second World War. Also very accomplished. I mean, considering shecame to Canada not speaking any English and being able to go to university andgraduated with a nursing degree. I mean, to me this seems like a tremendous 29:00obstacle to overcome. So, that was Henne. And then, the youngest sibling wasYisroel, who's also a writer, and wrote under a pseudonym Ish Yair. And he alsowent to university. So, reflecting back on it, I mean, tremendous achievementfor the family, having come here with no money and sending two younger kids touniversity. I mean, you know, it's kind of -- in retrospect, kind ofmind-boggling. Anyway, he was a professor of mathematics at McGill. Heeventually left there to concentrate on writing full time. And so, he was 30:00published in a lot of small magazines, in English and in Yiddish. But he waskind of reclusive, you know? Years ago, somebody got in touch with me to ask meabout a man who perished in the Warsaw Ghetto whose name was Yisroel Shtern. Andhe asked me if this was my uncle, and I said no, it wasn't my uncle. Apparently,this man had written some Yiddish folksongs. He was -- and he was a researcherwho lived in Holland. So, I talked to my cousin Aaron about it, and he said no-- he confirmed for me he's not our relative. He's just someone with the samename. But I mentioned this to my daughter, and her speculation about this was 31:00that maybe he adopted the name "Ish Yair" because he knew the existence of thisother man with the same name. So, I don't know. I don't know. It's possible. Possible.
So, that was the family. They all lived fairly close to each other in Montreal.
Yekhiel and Yisroel lived a couple of blocks from them. At one time, when theyfirst came to Canada, my grandparents lived with Shifra and Sholem. So, theywere in close proximity with each other, saw each other all the time. When mygrandparents passed away, the ties were really lessened. I mean, people started 32:00to go more and more their own ways, you know?
CW: I just want to ask you to describe what he looked like.
DS: My father?
CW: Yeah.
DS: (laughs) He was -- he was short. Shorter than my mother. My mother felt that
he -- maybe his lack of size was because he was malnourished as a youngster. Hedidn't have enough to eat. I guess he had a round face, he had a very friendlyface. He -- I'll talk about this a bit later, but he was very engaging and verypersonable. So, yeah, that's about -- that's his picture there. When he has lots 33:00of hair, he looks very artistic here. You know, like a young jazz musician orsomeone who's very -- a bohemian, right?
CW: What would you say was his most prominent feature?
DS: Physically?
CW: Yeah.
DS: Oh. Oh, I don't know. He had a very -- to me he had a very -- you're making
me think about this (laughs) -- he had a very open manner to him. You know, hehad a very pleasant face, to me, anyway. So, and he was short, so I towered overhim at a very early age. My brother and I -- my late brother and I -- sometimeswhen we'd go out with him and be looking for clothes for him, people would walk 34:00up to my brother and say, Well, what size does your son take? (laughs) Becausehe was much shorter than we were. My brother was also as tall as I am. So, yeah.
CW: And how did he dress? You mentioned that before. (laughter)
DS: Gee. In a very eclectic -- (laughs) he didn't really care for how he looked
very much. Suits -- a good suit was one you had a nap in. He inevitably had arolled-up newspaper in the pockets of his suits. He'd be often wearing two pairsof socks. My mother, in warm weather, would be urging him when he was outside 35:00writing to get into his shorts, and he wouldn't -- wasn't interested in it. Hewas too busy, focused on his writing. No, he wasn't -- he was not a fashionplate. He didn't care for it in the slightest. Yeah. So, your questions are interesting.
CW: So, can you describe the home that you grew up in?
[BREAK IN RECORDING]
DS: So, we lived in the central part of Montreal. My memories of it were it was
a mixed neighborhood, Jewish immigrants and then Francophones and later on other immigrants.
CW: What neighborhood?
DS: Sorry?
CW: What neighborhood was it?
DS: This is now called the Plateau neighborhood. We didn't have such a rarified
term for it. We lived in one of those multi-unit dwellings which had an outside 36:00staircase. And in the winter, the staircase was so treacherous, because the icewould just form over the steps. My mother would go out with an axe and break upthe ice. And the unit we lived in was -- I remember it had a stove in thekitchen where we burned something in it. The living room and one of the bedroomssort of ran into each other. It was a pretty modest house. The atmosphere in the 37:00house -- well, for one thing, my older brother was quite a bit older than I was,so -- quite a bit older than me. So, he was thirteen years older. So, by thetime I was kind of about ready to go to school, he was already off atuniversity. He was away at university for a year, and then he came back to thehouse. And then later on, he went to medical school. So, I guess I'm saying hewasn't around all that much. He did a lot of looking out for me. I was thelittle brother, much younger. And, of course, he (laughs) knew his way aroundthe world, which my parents did not, right? Being immigrants and all. My parentswere very much in tune with each other. They had a -- I would say they had a 38:00marvelous relationship. They struggled financially. There wasn't much money. Butthey weren't at all materialistic. I think they were content as long as theycould -- as long as the world was moving towards being a better place, and theycould talk about literature and about improving things in the world. That was abig focus of their lives. So, later on when I was about twelve, we moved out ofthat part of town. We moved to an area that was also part of Montreal butfurther north, called Parc-Extension. It was a semi-detached house, but it had a 39:00yard. It was also, I guess, smallish, but it was a big step up for us. I have tosay, my father had help financially in acquiring the house. One of his friendshad owned the house, and his wife couldn't navigate the stairs very wellanymore, and he was eager to move out of the house. And he became theirlandlord. But he subsidized their acquisition of the house -- he and otherssubsidized their acquisition of the house. Anyway, they were very happy in thishouse. They had a yard. My father used to like to write out in the yard duringthe day in the summertime. And he used to like to go for walks with me. We usedto talk, and we'd often go and have a hamburger in the shopping center, or we'd 40:00go and buy bread. There was a joke in our house about, How many people does ittake to buy a loaf of bread? Well, my father wanted to have a conversation, sowe went, and we'd buy a loaf of French bread. My father was very interested inbread, incidentally -- any kind of bread. French bread, black bread -- he wasvery fond of bread. Probably because he didn't have enough of it when he wasgrowing up. Again, they -- my parents had -- later on, when he stopped being theprincipal of the Winchevsky School, and he most-- and his income came fromprivate lessons, he had a routine that he followed. He'd get up quite early.He'd write all morning, maybe till about two o'clock or so. And then, because 41:00the Jewish community had spread out, he would take public transportation to thenewly emerging suburbs. And often, he spent about an hour getting to his privatelessons, an hour and a half, so he'd come home about -- usually he'd leave about2:00. He'd come home about 9:30, 9:30 in the evening. My mother would feed himdinner. And this was kind of his -- on the weekends he was -- you know, becausethe kids weren't in school, he had more lessons. And so, that was his routinefor many, many years. When he wrote, he was -- I felt he was very disciplined.He would sit there for hours. I'd often say to him, "Well, you know, what did 42:00you write today?" He'd show me, and he'd say -- he said, "I've erased more thanI've written." He had a word for it, like grafomanye. It's like "graffiti,"right? And my mother was kind of his taskmaster. She would say to him, "Well,okay, what did you write today? How much did you write today? Read me whatyou've written." (laughs) And so, it was -- you know, she would keep him ontrack to -- I mean, he needed to express himself. He wanted to write every day,but if he needed a check, someone to remind him that this was what he wassupposed to be doing, that was her. So, yeah. 43:00
CW: And so, where would he write?
DS: (laughs) He had very strange places to write. In fact, there's a picture of
him in a book about Montreal. He's hunched over a stool, a chair, and he's --the chair comes up to about his chest here, and he's just writing away. Hewasn't very well organized. His papers were often a mess. In fact, (laughs) onesource of contention in the house was that he would be looking for stuff, andhe'd say to my mother, "Well, what did you do with my papers? What did you dowith my important papers?" And I can say this in Yiddish, "Tshepet nisht maynevikhtike papirn." You know. "Don't move my papers." The papers were -- thepapers were all over the place. And I remember after we moved away in the '70s, 44:00my wife said to me, "Why don't we buy him a filing cabinet?" "That sounds likean excellent idea! Let's buy him a filing cabinet." So, we went out and boughthim a filing cabinet, a pretty simple affair. You know, three drawers and stuff.Brought it home. He seemed very appreciative, (laughs) but he didn't use it. Imean, he could have even just opened the drawers and just shoved it in there,not bothered with file folders or anything. But he didn't use it. And he keptinsisting on leaving his papers all over the house and telling my mother not totouch his important papers. So, that was his -- that was his approach to it. Buthe was very disciplined. But the other thing I must say, his attitude aboutwriting was he felt he just couldn't -- he didn't feel you could just do 45:00writing. He said he thought it was important for a writer to be among people,not to lock himself up all day and just write. He said being with people was --gave you -- well, it was important as a person. But also in terms of writing,gave you ideas, gave you inspiration. So, that was, I think, a very importantapproach of his to how he did his work. He felt he needed to go among people. Infact, he felt he needed to go among people every day, to have conversations withpeople, to see people. And he had a very wide circle of friends. People werephoning the house all the time. He had a regular group of pals who he would dropin on. In fact, one of the people in my Yiddish book group, it turned out she 46:00was my kindergarten teacher in the shule [secular Yiddish school] where he wasprincipal. I didn't realize this until she produced a picture of me and her, andI'm about five years old, and I'm looking quite stunned. But she said my fatherused to drop in regularly on her husband. And he'd have conversations about thestate of the world, and she said her husband always looked forward to seeinghim. And he had friends. He had rabbis and other writers who he knew. There wasa friend of his who was a shopkeeper where the shule was, who used to drop in tosee -- he used to like to go over there and talk to him about how things stoodin the world. He was very sociable. Yeah. 47:00
CW: Did people come to the house?
DS: Yeah. Yeah. We had people come to the house. He (laughs) also didn't mind
talking to strangers, which -- often much to my chagrin. I mean, he liked toknow people's stories. So, if you ran into him on the street or on a bus, heoverheard a conversation, he'd strike up a conversation. We'd be going, Oh, Dad,come on. You're embarrassing me here. You don't just do this. You know, banktellers became his best friends. "Tell me all about yourself." Anyhow. That'swhat he was like.
CW: So, what was Jewish about your home growing up?
DS: Well, we spoke Yiddish in the house, spoke Yiddish in the house. It was a
language of conversation in our house. We had Yiddish books. In addition to thenewspapers he wrote for, he read the Yiddish newspapers daily.
CW: Which ones would he read?
DS: Pardon?
CW: Which newspapers would he read?
DS: Well, the newspapers he wrote for were the "Vochenblatt" here in Toronto,
the "Morgen Freiheit" in New York. But then he would also read the "KenederAdler," which was the -- I guess the Po'ale Tsiyon newspaper, who he used tooften derisively refer to as the "foygl," you know, the bird. (laughs) He'd readthe "Forward," from New York. He especially liked Sholem Aleichem's son-in-law, 49:00Goldberg, the columnist. And he liked his stuff. He used to read him all thetime. He read very widely in a lot of Yiddish journals. The other writers wouldsend him books all the time. But their whole life was built around Yiddish. Whenwe got a television set in the '50s, things changed a bit, right, because weactually had another language that you could hear in the house. In fact, one ofthe things that he worried about was when it was time for me to go to school --so the Winchevsky School was a day school at the time, but it was half inEnglish, half in Yiddish. He was worried that my English wasn't good enough for 50:00me to go to school. And so, the year before I was supposed to go into school, hemade sure that I would be in the school sort of at the end of the previousschool year, like in May and June, just so that I could be around English. Heneedn't have worried. (laughs) And, I mean, shortly thereafter, as soon as I'dlearned English, they would have conversations in Yiddish, they would speak tome in Yiddish, and then there came a time when they would speak to me inYiddish, I would answer them in English. Right? It was my way of being part ofthe crowd here, showing them that I was different than my immigrant parents,right? So. (laughs)
CW: So, you mentioned there were also a lot of books in the home.
CW: So, can you just, I guess, describe what the set-up was a little more in
detail. Where were the books?
DS: Oh, gosh. There were books in the living room. We had books upstairs and in
one of the spare bedrooms. And there were always -- when we moved to the housein Parc-Extension -- this would have been in the late '50s, so his first novelin verse came out in 1960. So then, there were always copies of books in ourhouse, right? And so, one of the things he did, which I understand was fairlycommon among Yiddish writers, was he would send books to people. He would mailout books to people. He had lists that the newspapers had given him, or the IKUF 52:00in New York had given him, of people who were subscribers, who they knew were --and so he would mail books out to them -- unsolicited, mind you. And, I mean,the sad thing was that, although quite a few people took these books, we oftengot letters back saying, "My parents have passed away, and I don't read Yiddish,so I'm returning your book." That was a fairly comm-- so in addition to all thebooks from all the other writers, his contemporaries, the classics, the works byPeretz and Sholem Aleichem and Mendele, we were surrounded by his books as well,and he was regularly packaging up these books and mailing them off. And also, 53:00when he used to go to his private lessons, he would take his books with him,because he would think that on the bus sometimes he would run into somebody whomight be a reader, and it was important to have a book to show him. And once ina while, (laughs) he would come home without a book that he'd taken with him ona bus.
CW: So, he was involved in producing these books as well as selling them later?
DS: Well, the administration of the books was usually handled by a committee of
friends of his. Often, his brother-in-law Sholem Krishtalka, Shifra's husband,was kind of the secretary. You know, they raised money for him to put the booksout. He got grants from various organizations. But he was very active in 54:00promoting his own work. He was not shy about his own work. I came across a wordof his, which I hadn't known, in "Shrayber vos ikh hob gekent," called"reklamevdik," which means, shy, not wanting to put yourself forward. Thatwasn't him. (laughs) He put himself forward. In retrospect, a good quality, eventhough at the time I thought, It's maddening, go up and talk to strangers."Here's my book. Have a book. Are you a reader? You interested in this?" But hewasn't shy about his work and stuff.
CW: For someone who hasn't read him, can you tell me the things, the type of
DS: Yeah. Sure. So, his first few published books -- that starts in 1929 with
that flimsy book called "Noentkayt," "Nearness" -- his first three volumes werevolumes of poetry. And they were about nature and about, I guess, maybetraditional family observances. So, that came out in 1929, the first one, andthen they were followed up by "Es likhtikt," "It Is Light," and then "Inderfri,"which is "In the Morning." And they were poems about -- again, I think there wasa lot of -- mostly about nature, images of Montreal, you know, where he lived,as well. I guess the big dividing line in his work -- so the first one came up 56:00in '29, the third volume in 1945. He became principal of the Winchevsky Schoolin 1940s, and that lasted maybe until the shule closed in the late '50s. Maybewe can talk about that a bit later, but it closed in part because of how badlythings had gone in the Soviet Union and how the Communists had been sodiscredited. I mean, people just didn't want to send their kids to a school thathad this affiliation. Also, as well, the community became much -- in Montreal --much more spread out, moved to the suburbs, became wealthier. But that's anothermatter. So, he went through this long period where he didn't publish any books. 57:00He continued writing. He continued writing for newspapers. He wrote articles andstuff. He did a lot of literary criticism. But he -- after the Holocaust, hefelt that he really needed to reorient his work, that what was important now wasto document life in Canada, life here for the Jewish immigrants in Canada, notto dwell on Europe or what was in the past. Which is incidentally one thing thatreally distinguishes him from a lot of the Canadian Yiddish writers. I think hewas perhaps the only one of this group to write about -- to have themes that 58:00were set in Canada. I don't think that's true of the American Yiddish writers. Iknow there were guys who wrote cowboy stories, for example. But among Canadianwriters, he's really unique in that respect. And it very much reflected what hefelt about Canada. He was a tremendous patriot and took great pride in it. So,in 1960 his first novel in verse appeared. That was "In kanade [In Canada]." Andit's basically a saga of an immigrant family coming and living in Canada, afamily much like his, a devout family with all the different strains in thefamily: the socialist, the Marxist, the people who were just trying to getahead, the -- so that was his first book, in 1960. It was followed up by "Inkanade," volume two, in 1963. And then, in 1967 he produced "The White House," 59:00which was the time he spent in the tuberculosis sanitarium in the LaurentianMountains. And he was sent there shortly after he arrived in Canada, because hewas suspected of having tuberculosis. In fact, he didn't have it. He wasmalnourished. But they kept him there. And so, he chronicles life there, thehopes, the aspirations of basically the -- I would say the panoply of Jewishimmigrants in Canada. Bundists, secularists, religious people. There's acommunist character in there. It's also the story of the romance between myparents, how they met. My mother was his nurse. And there are lots of stanzas 60:00about my mother's aunt not wanting her to marry him because she had him alllined up with a doctor, right, and she foolishly went off with this poet whomade a living selling magazines door-to-door. But the other thing that's uniqueabout it, too, is his descriptions about French-Canadian farmers who lived nearthe sanitarium. And the interrelationships between the patients at thesanitarium and the farmers. So, that was his book in 1967. It was, I think thefirst book to be translated into English. And I think it's the best translationof any of them. It was done by this man in Philadelphia, Max Rosenfeld. And it 61:00was translated into Hebrew. So, that was "The White House." I was trying tothink of something else I wanted to say about it, but maybe it'll occur to me ina minute. Interestingly, the sanitarium was really quite interested in thepublication of the book. When the book was translated, they held a reception forhim in the sanitarium at Mount Sinai. So, at the TB sanitarium -- so that washis -- and I think --
CW: And there's this new book also about [UNCLEAR] --
DS: Yeah, so that led to this new book, which is about three sanitarium poets:
Leivick, Haim Leivick; and Yeshua, I guess, is how you pronounce his name -- who 62:00were at a TB sanitarium in Denver. And so, this Professor Gilman has put thethree of them together in a volume. I think he's done a very nice job of talkingabout my father and his work, and his life. So that's "The White House." Andthen the last novel was two novellas. Oh yeah, one of the things I wanted to sayabout "The White House" is you can see his tone about his radicalism is -- insome ways, it's consistent with his other works in his depiction of thecharacters. In other ways, there's a bit of a subtle shift here. Or maybe asubtle shift. Maybe I don't have the specifics down too well. But in all of his 63:00works, it's interesting that often the most sympathetic characters are religiouspeople. They often have very progressive ideas; they're often on the side of theoppressed. And this is a reflection, I think, of his affection for his fatherand the way his father lived his life, even though his life was very different.He didn't go to synagogue regularly. But he had great respect for thesetraditions. The other thing that -- in "The White House" is that in terms ofsympathetic characters, he has a communist who's a character who he doesn'tportray in a very good light. He talks about him having blotchy skin -- red, 64:00blotchy skin -- and he fills him full of slogans, about what's gonna happen whenthe workers' state arrives, what's gonna happen to the bourgeoisie and thelackey Jewish press, you know. It reflects his view about what had gone on andStalin's atrocities and stuff. So, I found that kind of interesting in "TheWhite House." And the reason it's fresh in my memory here is because we justread it in my Yiddish group, and so I particularly remember the character of thecommunist there. So, the attractive people in there are the pious Jews, thereligious Jews. The manager of the sanitarium, who's a Bundist, comes across asa very warm, sympathetic character. You know, he doesn't abandon his idealism, 65:00his own idealism. I mean, he talks about -- both he and my mother talk aboutsocial justice and about the need for there to be equality and economicstability for poor people and stuff. But there is a -- he's portraying stuff ina way that reflects changes in his attitude. And as I said, one of the thingsthat makes this book different is his depiction of French-Canadian farmers. So,the last novel in verse that came was actually two novellas called "The Familyin Canada" and "The Household of Professor Sydney Goldstein." And the contenthere is really quite different. He's not talking so much about the different 66:00political currents on the Jewish street anymore, but what he's talking about isnew generations of Jews in Canada. He's talking about assimilation, abouthanging on to culture and heritage, about intermarriage -- I had met my wife atthat point, so (laughs) I guess he had some firsthand -- so these are tworelatively short novellas that are in one volume, "Household of Professor SydneyGoldstein" -- and Sydney Goldstein is a Zionist. And he meets a woman universitywho's not Jewish. They talk about their family life and their kids eventuallyfinding some value in their Jewish roots and stuff. So, he ends on an optimisticnote here. So, that was his last novel, his last novel in verse. And if I didn't 67:00mention it, they're all novels in verse, which in some minds of some people haveled them to make comparison with Edgar Lee Masters, the Spoon River Anthology.The fact that his -- "The White House" is set in a sanitarium, that's the ThomasMann comparison. So, his last work is his literary memoirs and his portraits ofother Yiddish writers, "Shrayber vos ikh hob gekent]," which came out in 1983.He has portraits there of Mani Leib, of Moyshe-Leyb Halpern. He talks a lot 68:00about people coming to Montreal to visit him. This is one of the things that --to visit Montreal -- this is one of the things that attracted the Frenchacademic Pierre Anctil to his work, is that he says that how he presented theseportraits as a backdrop of Montreal and writing about the city itself -- he saidin a way which not only the Yiddish writers didn't do, but the Francophonewriters didn't do either. And he said, again, this is one of the unique thingsabout it. And he has a lot of interesting stuff in there about other writers. 69:00There's a very interesting chapter on the time when Sholem Asch came to Montrealas part of the effort to raise money for the Soviet Union for the Second WorldWar, and a big rally that was held in Montreal, in which thousands of peoplewere there. And there were people from the Soviet Union there. Itsik Fefer wasthere. The artist [Maholis?] was there. My father met all these people. He spenta couple of days with Sholem Asch. There's pictures of him and Sholem Aschtogether. There's some, I would say, some very intriguing things about it,because he says to Itsik Fefer in the hallway there in the hotel -- he asks himabout a couple of people who he knew. He said, "Well, I haven't heard from themin a long time. Where have they gone?" And he said Fefer says, "Oh, well, a 70:00mistake was made. Oh, this person's well, I saw him last week." But he saidFefer acts very nervously, you know. And my father just relates the scene. Hedoesn't talk about the aftermath of this. It's just the scene. The chapter'svery interesting also about Asch's personality, about how flamboyant he was. Butin this book, there's also a -- what I think, a very powerful portrait of theRussian-Yiddish critic, literary critic, Leyb Kvitko. And to me, it's among themost powerful pieces of work in the book. He talks about how Kvitko thought hewas living in a utopia, that he had all these -- there were Yiddish schools, andhe had all these Yiddish books. And then, he was nabbed by Stalin's secret 71:00police and shot. And my father describes this as the second great tragedy tobefall the Jewish people in the twentieth century. And it's -- when I read it, Ithought it was a very powerful piece. And it contains a no-excuses condemnationof Stalin. He's not making any allowances for him in the slightest, at all. Hesaid Kvitko was an idealist who thought he'd gone to paradise. So, there's that.There's lots of other interesting pieces in there about how he got started as awriter, what his inspirations were. As I said, there are portraits of Mani-LeybHalpern [sic] and also some of the Montreal writers. There's a chapter on Segal. 72:00Yeah. So, that was his last -- that was his last effort.
CW: When did he start writing?
DS: When did he start writing?
CW: Yeah.
DS: I think he was already writing in Poland. And the first volume of poetry was
published in 1929, so he was already writing in the sanitarium when he was -- hewas writing in 1926 when he was here. Yeah.
CW: And did you get to know the writers that -- the other writers that he was
friends with, as a kid?
DS: A little bit. A little bit. They would phone the house. We have lots of
73:00pictures of him with other writers, with Segal, with Meylech Ravitch. There arelots of family pictures with him and his brother, of course, with Yaakov Zipper,and group pictures of other writers whose names I don't recognize. Other writerswould call the house from time to time. He was friends with a refugee -- he wasgood friends with a refugee named Roge, who wanted to be a writer, who wrote alittle bit and managed to get his books published. But I think that -- and I'mnot sure I'm really in a good -- can talk about this very definitively, but my 74:00impression is that the writers saw each other, interacted with each other, quitea bit in the '30s and the '40s. You know, the Second World War united a lot ofthem and papered over their political differences. I mean, they were aparticularly noisy, rambunctious lot, (laughs) these writers. And there was alot going on in Montreal. Regularly there were visitors coming from New York.There were things at the Jewish Public Library in Montreal. It was a very activecultural scene, so I think he saw a lot of people. But I think after therevelations about Stalin, I think a couple things happened. I think he -- I 75:00think the other writers ostracized him. I think some of them never forgave him.I know how shattered he was about this. But I don't think they ever -- hisbrother Zipper in his memoirs talks about he was invite-- my father was invitedto join the PEN Club, the writers' club, maybe sometime in the '80s. Maybe inthe '70s or the '80s. And Zipper writes, "It was good to see him there," becausehe said he'd either been ostracized or ostracized himself for so many years that 76:00it was good to see that he was coming among the other writers and speaking upand contributing and stuff. But, you know, people would phone the houseregularly. I mean, I remember Ravitch phoning the house regularly. I'm not sureI'm in a very good position to talk about -- I was very young when all of thistranspired. And, again, my parents were immigrants, they were different, theyhad different -- the people that they spoke to spoke Yiddish to them. (laughs) Imean, and here I was out on the street, speaking English, playing ball, beinginterested in the sports pages, all those kinds of things. So -- (laughs) butthose are just some of my impressions. They may be a bit superficial, and they 77:00may not be entirely accurate. But that's my -- those are my impressions of hisrelations with the other writers.
CW: Can you say a little bit more about that generational divide and what it was
like for you to grow up with a Yiddish writer father?
DS: Yeah, yeah. Yeah, yeah. (laughs) Well, I mean, looking back on it, it was a
great household. When you consider what my parents came to Canada with and whatthey persevered to make a life for themselves here in Canada, it was justphenomenal. My father, before he became principal of the school, I think therewas a period of time which I think he sort of worked at odd jobs: worked at afruit store, he sold magazines door-to-door, he worked in a factory for a while. 78:00I don't think he was very good at these things. My mother was a nurse and wentto work. I think she worked night shifts a lot. But they provided for us. Imean, they sent two children to university. And as a writer, I mean, he -- bothartistically and in terms of some semblance of economic stability, he flourishedhere in Canada. But (laughs) when I started to go to school, and I'd meet otherpeople's parents in their house, they'd be speaking English to each other, andthey had a TV, and they were interested in sports, which my parents were not atall interested in. So, there was a bit of a -- and I don't think unique to our 79:00circumstance. I think for a lot of immigrants, it's -- first-generationimmigrants, first-generation Canadians -- it's the same thing. I think it cutsacross all cultures. You see your parents as different, as funny, as odd. Andthey weren't cool and reserved like a lot of other people's parents were,either. They were very emotional and excitable -- stuff. My cousin Aaron oncehad a very -- we were talking about our respective parents once. He said to me,"You know, other people's parents," he said, "they went on skiing vacations," hesaid. "Our parents," he said, "they worried about the fate of the world. Thatwas their outlook on stuff." So, you know, for a time, as I said, when they 80:00talked to me in Yiddish, I would answer them in English. I think they realizedthat it was different for me. And I wasn't always that understanding of them. Ithought, Well, they're just old-fashioned. But they -- my father wanted verymuch that we should be -- despite being in a Yiddish household and speakingYiddish to each other and having all these Yiddish books, he wanted us to beCanadian, you know? He wanted us to have the same rights and privileges andlifestyle that other Canadians had. He never discouraged me from doing -- from 81:00having a wide circle of friends, from -- and, in fact, when I was just a nerdyteenager and having all kinds of issues that teenagers have, they both werewonderfully supportive. I think about it in retrospect. You know those gloomyteenage years when you're just sort of angst-ridden and all that sort of stuff?I mean, he would regularly say to me, Let's go for a walk. Or my mother wouldsay to him, Go for a walk with him. And he was a very good listener, and he --yeah, it was a -- I wouldn't -- (laughs) in retrospect, as I said, it was agreat experience. Wonderful parents. They didn't care for their own financial 82:00wherewithal. Even after they had some semblance of economic security, theyalways worried that there was some economic catastrophe around the corner. Evenlater in life -- you know, when we needed stuff for the house, for example, wewent out and bought some pillows for the house. My mother didn't go with us, shewasn't well then. We came home, and my father said, "Well, how much did itcost?" So, my wife told him. He said, "Well, don't tell Sonia. Don't tell herhow much this cost. She'd be horrified. Don't tell her." And they wouldn't spendany money on themselves. Elspeth and I would say to them, Well, look, why don'tyou spend part of the winter going someplace warm? Why don't you go to Florida? 83:00You'll find -- there are other people there who speak Yiddish. I'm sure some ofyour writing pals are there too. And he wouldn't hear of it. "What would I dothere? I'd sit there in the sunshine. No, this is my home here in Montreal. I'mhappy being here in my neighborhood with -- this is where I live. There arepeople from all different backgrounds. I'm happy to be here. I don't want to gothere." They never went. Anyway, I -- great upbringing, my --
CW: What did you think about Yiddish as a kid, and how did that change over time?
DS: Ah. Well, you know, again, I guess -- thinking that it was different. It
wasn't in the mainstream. And here were my strange parents. They weren't like 84:00other people's parents. (laughs) But I guess in my twenties, I began to take adifferent view of it. I realized what a tremendous contribution this made to myupbringing. I mean, I think a part of it was going out and meeting other peoplefrom different backgrounds, too. Seeing sort of the commonality between peoplefrom different parts of the country, people with different upbringings, and howthey reacted to their own backgrounds and saying, Oh, wait a second. Yeah, thelanguage is different and a lot of the experiences are different, but a lot ofother people have kind of -- we're on similar trajectories here. I mean, this 85:00isn't just so far-fetched. It's unique, it's very unique, but it's not -- it'ssomething to be celebrated rather than say, Oh, that's funny; that's strange.And after I moved away, of course, (laughs) I began to appreciate it more andmore. When I moved away, I started to talk to my parents in Yiddish again, onthe phone, when I was with them. No more of this you talk to me in Yiddish, I'lltalk to you in English. After my folks passed away, I was very pleased to havean opportunity to talk to my aunt Shifra on the phone in Yiddish. I tried to 86:00keep in touch a little bit with Itche Goldberg, who was my father's editor ofthe magazine he contributed to for four years, "[Kultur?]." I'd phone himoccasionally, talk to him in Yiddish. I liked that. I liked that a great deal.My view of it -- my view of it evolved.
CW: At what point did you first read your father's work?
DS: Ah. That's a good question. That's a really good question. Probably in the
late '60s, when -- maybe I was already a teenager. Or in my early twenties. I 87:00know I read a translation of "The White House" when it came out. Did I read "TheWhite House" in its original first? I don't remember. Hard to remember. But Imade a point of reading it in the original. Especially -- I don't do thisanymore. I really should. But on the High Holidays, my way of celebrating it wasto take out my father's books and read a bit of it, you know. I felt that was appropriate.
CW: I wanted to ask a little bit more about the novel in verse.
DS: Yeah.
CW: What are the characteristics of the style, the form, of his writing? The
style or the form of his verse --
DS: Yeah.
CW: -- how would you describe it, or what stands out from his style of writing?
DS: Ah. Well, it's poetry in a novel form. I mean, again, reflecting on it, how
88:00hard he must have worked to make everything rhyme. He told me that he oftenwould invent words, shape words so that they would rhyme. Interestingly,Rosenfeld, in his translation of "The White House," did his level best to keepthe rhythm of his work. He tried to make stuff rhyme in English, sometimes withnot such good results. Like, he has one stanza where he rhymed "waltz" with"schmaltz." (laughs) I mean, he was really reach-- but he did a very good job.He really had a poet's sensitivity in translating the work. Yeah, I mean, it's 89:00distinct. And when you read his prose, for example, his prose is -- it's justdifferent than his poetry. His poetry's concise. One of the things that struckme about reading "The White House" was the range of themes that he dealt with aswell, like the portrayals of the characters, their political affiliations, theirviews about events in the world, their aspirations. I think that's one of thethings, to me, anyway, that makes "The White House" so interesting -- is that 90:00there's lots of really different strains to it, you know? They're ordinarypeople who -- a patient has an illness. His family comes to visit him regularlyonce a week. But the case is hopeless; the person dies. There are other peoplewho are kind of abandoned by their families. And Gilman points this out in thechapters on the other writers, that in many instances the spouses kind ofabandon the people who are in the sanitarium, that they took up with otherpeople. They didn't see that their spouse was ever gonna come out of thesanitarium, and they had affairs with others. (gasps) My God, you know, affairs.Imagine. Imagine the scandal here, right? But apparently it was -- and my fatherwrites about this. He also talks about the charity ladies who come to the 91:00institutions, who -- people who are very well-off and who think they're reallydoing -- they're contributing; they're doing good work. And I guess they weredoing good work. After all, they were volunteering. But he says there's a senseof sort of -- there's a class difference. There's a sense of -- maybe a bit ofsnobbery about what they're doing. And then, of course there are his depictionsof French-Canadian farmers and how they live and stuff. So, the rhythm of it,the rhyming, the verses -- which obviously, he worked very hard to have arhythm, but also the diversity of the themes in the book to me were really --and then as I said, we read it recently in our book group, which really made animpression on me. So. 92:00
CW: Of your father's books, do you have a favorite?
DS: A favorite. (laughs) Maybe "The White House." I would think "The White
House." I also like "Shrayber vos ikh hob gekent," because it -- he talks a lotabout his own attitudes and stuff. And I like the portraits of the otherwriters. Incidentally, he has a scene -- I think it's maybe in the chapter onMoyshe-Leyb Halpern, where he spends time in New York, and he goes to the CaféRoyal. And he describes (laughs) a scene that's -- just where the writers usedto hang out on the Lower East Side, I guess a self-service cafeteria -- and hedescribes the tensions among the writers and the animosities sort of barely 93:00below the surface here. Really quite something. I mean, I knew they existed, buthe writes about it. I thought that was kind of interesting.
CW: One of the things that is written about your father is that he was really
involved in the translation process?
DS: Yes, he was. Yeah. Yeah.
CW: Can you say a little bit about that?
DS: Yeah, yeah. Yeah, yeah. Well, again, that was one of the things that he very
actively promoted. Starting with "The White House," which came out in -- it cameout in the early '70s. But there was a man in Montreal, a Francophone, who had apublishing house, who was very attracted to his work. I think he was kind of aNew-Age-y guy, you know. He wore turtlenecks and a pendant. Anyway, he was very 94:00interested in getting Dad's work translated into both English and French, withwhich I think there was some uneven results. I think there were differenttranslators. I mean, I think this was a very ambitious undertaking and hard todo. But my father was very interested in it. He knew that the Yiddish audiencewas shrinking. He was interested in having other people have access to his work.He was very interested in getting this done. Yeah.
CW: One of the things I'm curious is -- do you think he has a readership now?
DS: Hm. I doubt it. I doubt it. I mean, I think -- I think there are academics
that are interested in this stuff. And that's great, I'm happy about that. Ithink of my generation, there are probably a few people around who know abouthis work and stuff. But of the younger generation, no, I don't think -- I don'tthink people are interested in Yiddish generally. I did look at the NationalYiddish Book site a long time ago, and was surprised at the number of downloadsof his work. I thought, Well, this is great. I mean, that's nice. This number's 96:00really -- it's an impressive number, right? That's good. I wonder who thesepeople are, but that's great. So, maybe I'm off base here. It'd be nice.
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CW: Do you have something more that you want to say about why --
DS: Why one should read him?
CW: -- why people should read him?
DS: Yeah. Well, I think -- maybe I can kind of divide this into two. I think
people should read him for the literary qualities. I mean, that's one thing. Ithink he -- you know, he was an artist. I think, in my view -- I think thecaliber of his written work is very high. And there are other critics that havepraised him. I mean, Itche Goldberg had a chapter about him in one of his 97:00collections. Sol Liptzin, a noted critic, also had nice things to say about him,and also about the family in general. And the form in which he wrote was veryunique and very different. I think the other thing, too, is here -- so it's also-- I think his literary qualities. But I think the other thing as well is thathe chronicled a
way of life that doesn't really exist here anymore. People don't live the way my
parents lived. The Jewish community doesn't have the same interests that theydid. And no one should expect that they would have the same interests that theydid. I mean, the community's more prosperous, and that's a great thing. And 98:00although, you know, obviously there's still anti-Semitism around, it's not ofthe same form that it was when they first immigrated to Canada. But the way oflife, the depictions of how immigrants lived, their attitudes, their politicaldivisions, you know, even just the context of Yiddish language, I mean, that'sall gone. No one lives that -- or, at least to my experience, unless you've --well, I should -- I guess Hasidim, who speak to each other in Yiddish, live thatway, but they're -- that's not a -- it's not in the same universe, right? So, Ithink that's the other reason that people should be interested in him, is that 99:00he gives insights. He depicts a way of life that's no longer there. And I thinkpeople should know about it. Family occasions I come to when we celebrateholidays -- I think I said (laughs) in the questionnaire, you know, in this roomfull of forty people -- this is my daughter-in-law's family -- they're wonderfulpeople. They're warm and we have great family occasions. But I think I'm theonly Yiddish speaker in the room. And as far as the conversation's concerned,it's a completely different universe than what I grew up in and what my parents 100:00lived when they first came to Canada. So, I guess there's those couple reasons.Just to come back to the literary qualities of his work, I guess maybe in a wayjust kind of to relate this to his radicalism, one of the things he says in"Shrayber" here -- and I'm sorry if I'm sort of veering off course here a little bit.
CW: That's fine.
DS: This was a thread that maybe I kind of -- I think some people try to
pigeonhole him because of his radicalism. And I think that's an important part-- that's an important contribution to what he was. He was an idealist, I think, 101:00rather than an ideologue. He was never a Party member. In the end, he was veryunhappy about -- obviously -- about what transpired in the Soviet Union, verydisillusioned, very disappointed. But in "Shrayber," one of the things he saysis that in terms of how he viewed his own work and writing in general was -- hesaid, "It's not enough to write in slogans. It's not enough to write inrhetoric." He said, "Just espousing words about the revolution doesn't make youa writer, doesn't make you an artist." And this is how he saw his own approachto his craft. So, I think -- the literary merits to his work and how he viewed 102:00his own work and also the context of that time, which is a time which doesn'texist anymore. I think those are reasons to be interested in what he had to --what he had to say.
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CW: Disillusionment, you know, the process that your father went through.
DS: Oh, yeah.
CW: Because he went to Poland in '49, right?
DS: Yeah. Yeah. He went to Poland in '49. Went to Poland in 1960, also. He went
to Poland in '49 -- I'm not sure if it was '49 or '48. But doesn't matter. Hewent to Poland after the war, ostensibly to find out what happened to hisfamily. And if you think about, look, it was three years after the war ended.Didn't they know? But I guess maybe people held out hope that some people had 103:00ended up in the Soviet Union or that they were in displaced persons camps. Thecommunications in that area, from what I understand, weren't great. So, he wentto find out what happened to his family. And none of the people who stayedbehind in Europe survived, not a one. So -- and my cousin Aaron has told meabout -- my grandparents lived with him, and when when my father came back fromEurope, that the family had a meeting the next day, and he was asked to give areport, and -- Aaron said he -- Aaron's a couple of years older than I am, andhe said -- I wasn't there, but Aaron lived in the house. He said they closed thedoors to keep the kids out. And he said people just burst into tears. So, he 104:00went in '48-slash-'49. That was the ostensible purpose of his trip, to -- Imean, he did meet other writers there and stuff. So, in 1960 he went again. Thiswas after Khrushchev's revelations about Stalin. And he was invited by thePolish Writers' Union. And I -- I think the Polish government wanted to showthat despite what happened in Russia, that things were okay in Poland. And thatwas their reason for inviting him. He was invited officially. And so, he went.It was a very hastily arranged trip at the last minute, and he didn't have apassport. So, to get him a passport, in those days -- I'm not sure if you can 105:00still do this, but you could go to the office of your local member of Parliamentand sit there for a day, and they would produce a passport for you. Which iswhat he did. So, he went to Ottawa for the day, and they produced a passport forhim. And he (laughs) said afterwards, in reflecting on the trip, he said, "Thisis just an unbelievable contrast to what life was like in Poland," right? Hesaid, "My member of Parliament knew damn well who I was, that I had theseaffiliations. And there I was; I was treated like any citizen here who needed apassport in a hurry. They were polite to me, they produced it in a day, theydidn't ask any -- I was a constituent." He knew who the MP was. But they 106:00produced a passport for him and they handed it to him. When he went to Poland,he had a very different impression of what life was like there. He said, hisoverall impression was that he didn't feel people were better off underCommunism. Now, keep in mind, this is fifteen years after the Second World War.The country had been devastated. All that's true. And he took that into account.But he didn't feel people were better off, that their standard of living hadimproved. But he also said that -- he had a minder, somebody who went aroundwith him. And he said people that he met up with, other writers who he met upwith, had said to him quietly -- said, You're being watched. I'm being watched. 107:00Let's walk around a corner here, and then maybe we can talk a bit more frankly.Most of the writers who he talked to there -- this was 1960, before Gomulka cameto power, and before the purge in -- I think it was 1968, when Gomulkaencouraged Jews to leave. Most of the writers who he talked to didn't want tostay on in Poland anymore, didn't -- despite the official line that the Polishgovernment was trying to give. Didn't want to stay on. So, this was yet anothermain thing about his disillusionment. As the years rolled on, he felt Khrushchev 108:00and Kosygin and Brezhnev were part of the same old gang, that they -- and alsotheir increasingly anti-Israeli stance. He was no fan of the settlements, but onthe other hand, he was a hundred percent behind -- a hundred percent in favor ofIsrael. He just didn't think the settlement policy was very astute. He didn'tthink it was at all in keeping with Jewish traditions. But we can -- but he wasdisturbed by that. He was disheartened by that. I mean, in the end he didn't goto the UJPO very much. He stopped going. And one of the reasons he said to mewas that there're still too many people here who are doctrinaire, who were sort 109:00of prepared to wipe away the past. He said, "And I don't buy any of it." Hesaid, "There aren't any excuses for what happened here." It is, in his mind, thesecond great tragedy to befall Jews in the twentieth century.
[BREAK IN RECORDING]
DS: I said to him at one point -- we were having a conversation, and he said --
he was talking about some people who he knew that were involved in the Po'aleTsiyon, and I said to him, "So --" I said, "Voyle yidn." This was one of hisphrases that he liked. Amiable Jews, you know, nice people. And I said, "Youknow, well --" -- I said to him, "Well, these days their views aren't verydifferent than yours." And I said, "Well, why don't you go there and meet peopleand stuff?" He said, "I don't want to belong anywhere anymore. One experience is 110:00enough." And he -- another thing he says in "Shrayber" is he says that no -- andhe makes a -- he was very poignant about this. He says, "No Jewish worker, noJewish intellectual, should ever allow himself to be captive of an ideology thatwill subjugate his Jewish heritage to that ideology." He's very clear aboutthat. In fact, he told me once that the leader of the Communist Party in Canadaonce told him to his face -- he said to him, "Sholem, you're a nationalist." Heknew damn well what it meant. So, that was -- at the end of his life he was --you know, "Democracy," he said, "it stinks, but it's the best system we have." 111:00He was very much in favor of elections. He still remained very much an idealist.He still believed in equality. He believed that government should work toeradicate poverty. He believed in the value of government, of people beingtogether in society. He was against discrimination in all of its forms, againstall people. But he did not consider himself a communist, I would say, for thelast thirty-five, forty years of his life. No, he didn't at all. He liked 112:00Gorbachev. Said it was long, long overdue. So --
CW: Have you read your father's work -- I mean, having read your father's work
throughout your life, do you have a different perspective on his career now thanyou did when you were growing up, and if so, what is that?
DS: Yeah, and I guess -- (laughs) that's a good question, Christa. That's a good
question. Again, it relates to my formative years about being in the householdand having parents who were very different. And reading -- also especially with 113:00"Shrayber" and his portraits of other writers, but also his own attitudes, which-- and then I also talked to him a fair bit, even after we'd moved away. We'd gofor conversations. And he was -- (laughs) again, he was not reklamevdik, youknow? He would -- (laughs) tell you what was on his mind, whether you wanted toknow it or not, you know? So, he was very supportive, but he also had his ownopinions. I remember he told me shortly before he passed away, "You don't saveenough," he said. I said, "Well, come on, Dad, I have a responsible job, I havea family and a mortgage and all of that. Living nowadays is much more expensive 114:00than --" "But you need to save more." So, do I have a different perspective onit? Yeah. I appreciate how hard he worked, how difficult it must have been forhim to be a writer in that generation. Looking back on it, he bore it prettygracefully. I mean, he had his frustrations, but -- running and being aprincipal of a school was tough for him. I think the circumstances under whichthe school folded were not very good. I mean, he was left high and dry,basically, when they decided to close the school. What saved him was that people 115:00who had their kids in the school came to him and said, Well, what are we gonnado now? What school should we send our kids to? Some of them sent their kids toother schools. But a lot of people came to him and said, Well, could you tutorour kids privately at home? And he started doing that, and he had a reputation,word of mouth, and people really liked it. I mean, he'd go to their homes and --so that kind of saved his livelihood. So, (laughs) I went from thinking thatpeople were very different and thinking, Why couldn't they be like otherpeople's parents, right? Why couldn't we go on skiing vacations as my cousinAaron would suggest? To thinking to myself, Boy, this was really something. This 116:00was really something, to come here, both of my parents, as young people. He wasnineteen when he was married. She was twenty-one. To make a life for themselveshere. To thrive here. I mean, thrive on their own terms -- not that they becamemillionaires or anything. They (laughs) obviously didn't. But to becomeentrenched in Canada, to enjoy it and to experience the freedoms and the greatthings that Canada had to offer. Yeah, I mean, you get older, you think aboutthese things very differently. So yeah, no, I do look at his -- I do look athim, yeah, very differently than when I was a (laughs) nerdy, angst-ridden teenager. 117:00
CW: Would you mind telling me about his death?
DS: Sure. Sure. Well, my mother had a -- I'll jump back a little bit -- my
mother had -- was seriously ill for quite a number of years beforehand. And inaddition to circulatory problems, she also had dementia. He kept her home for aslong as he could. He didn't want her to be institutionalized. But in the end, hemade the decision. And they had help in the house. People from the socialservice agencies would come in regularly. They would arrange his medications. He 118:00had a lot of medications there. He had a heart condition. They would sort outhis medications. They would come in once a week, and they'd look at his pillboxand organize how things should -- but in the end, my mother needed too muchcare. So, at first she went to a nursing home that was nearby, and he could walkthere quite easily. But then, later on he -- maybe because they didn't offer alevel of care there that she needed when her dementia really started to takehold. She was transferred to the Maimonides Home -- was it the Mai-- yeah,Maimonides Home in Côte Saint-Luc. Which was just a suburb of Montreal, wherethere was a lot of Jews in that area. But it was a long way from where we livedin Parc-Extension. And he -- for the time she was there, he went to see her 119:00every single day. He didn't drive. He took public transportation there. So, itwas an hour -- between an hour, an hour and a half, each way. But he went everysingle day, and he spent time with her. I mean, this romance continued right upto the end. But in 1988, she passed away. We had talked to him about -- and shepassed away [UNCLEAR] -- we had talked to him about moving him to come and livewith us. And he was just a dyed-in-the-wool Montrealer. You know, this was histown. But gradually, I think he sort of -- he felt, Yeah, okay, this would be 120:00okay, that he would come and live with us. Anyway. But we needed to makeaccommodations in our house to do this. In the meantime, he had a bunch ofhealth episodes. He was always very solicitous about his own health, but he hada pacemaker, and he had lots of different medications, including antidepressantsand stuff. And the heart medications and the antidepressants interacted, andthey were constantly having to adjust his medications. He had a second pacemakerinstalled -- which my brother said it was miraculous that he managed to last aslong as he did. But he did. Anyway, he was hospitalized one final time in the 121:00summer of 1990. And he had an episode where he'd called for an ambulance 'causehe wasn't feeling well, and they'd taken him to a hospital in a Francophone partof town. He didn't speak any French. And it took them a while to sort ofstraighten out his medications, to get in touch with his regular doctor who wasat the Montreal General and stuff. Anyway, they eventually transferred him tothe Montreal General. And I went down a few times. And the last time I wentdown, he was in the geriatric ward, and the guy who was the head of the ward wasa young guy who was really very good. It wasn't his -- his own doctor was in thehospital, but -- and who incidentally gave my parents great care. But the guywho ran the ward, geriatric ward, was just -- I felt was just exceptional. 122:00Tremendous amount of sympathy for -- empathy for the people in the ward. So muchso, I was surprised to find that there were dogs in the ward when I came in tovisit one day. He said, "Yeah." He said, "Look, it makes the older people herefeel better. They have the dog from their house, so why not have a dog here inthe ward?" (laughs) I thought it was pretty unusual. Anyway, so when he washospitalized the last day I had gone to visit him. We had made arrangements witha contractor to build an extension on our house. He had given us some plans. AndI had said to him, "Well, in the fall they're gonna start the work, and you'llbe moved over." We had talked to the head of the ward here, and he had said, "Ithink this is a very good idea. He needs to be close to his family. And if his 123:00health deteriorates further, well, you know, the Baycrest here would be a goodplace for him." (sighs) Anyway, he -- the day he died I was there mo-- I had cartrouble driving down from Toronto, and I'd had to attend to the car a bit of thetime when I was there. And so, I showed up in the middle of the afternoon, and Iexplained to him; I said, [UNCLEAR]. "So just buy yourself a new car." He said,"What are you doing? Why are you poking around with this car?" He said, "Just goand take the money out of my bank account and just buy yourself a new car." AndI said, "Well, Dad, okay. You don't need to do that." Anyway, so I spent a daywith him. And my cousin Aaron came to visit him. I hadn't seen him in quite awhile and had a long visit with him and his wife. And we talked a lot about 124:00Quebec politics. He was very concerned about separatism in Quebec. He asked mehow his friend Parizeau was doing. Parizeau was not his friend, he was theleader of the separatist party in Quebec. Anyway, Aaron and his wife very kindlyinvited me to come over to their house for dinner. So, I went over there fordinner, and we had a nice dinner. And then, I decided to drop in on him in thehospital on my way back to their house in Montreal. So, I came by in the earlyevening. And he said he wasn't feeling well, and I said, "Well, okay, why don'tyou just call the nurse and tell her you're not feeling well?" And I said,"Well, I'll come back and see you tomorrow. Just call and tell them you're notfeeling well, and they'll adjust your medication." Anyway, when I got back to 125:00the house -- to their house, my old house, where I used to live -- the phone wasringing, and it was my wife on the phone, saying that she just had a call fromthe hospital, and he passed away. And so, I -- you know, I got in the car, and Icalled a cab, got in the car, went back down to the hospital, and -- so dealtwith whatever I needed to deal with. Somebody at the hospital asked me if Iwanted a priest there, and I said, (laughs) "Wrong side. Thanks for beinginterested, but wrong side." And then, again, my cousin Aaron helped me getthrough the next few days. I mean, he went with me -- Elspeth and the kids came 126:00down from Toronto. My cousin Aaron helped me with the funeral arrangements, wewent to the funeral home together. Aaron helped me compose the obit that went inthe newspaper. There was a big crowd at the funeral. A rabbi gave the eulogy --a friend of his -- gave the eulogy at the funeral. My father never attended hissynagogue, but this rabbi was a good friend of his, one of his pals who hedropped in to see all the time. He also spoke at my mother's funeral. My fatherhad asked him to do that, even though my mother was less interested in organizedreligion than my father was. But my father felt this was appropriate and mymother would entirely approve, and he's right; she would have. And I was happy 127:00to have the rabbi speak at the funeral, too. So, that was -- he's buried in theUJPO cemetery. One of the things I discovered to my surprise is they didn't havea joint plot. I thought this was in a way kind of typical of my parents not toget a plot side by side. And so, my mother's sort of at the front part of thatsection of the cemetery, and her tombstone is easy to find when I visit. Buthe's not! And he's buried back in some rows in the cemetery. And the few timeswhen I've been there in the winter I've spent fifteen or twenty minutes lookingaround for his tombstone and saying to myself, You know, Sholem, this is justtypical of you! People have to find you; people don't know where you are. Just 128:00as a digression, I mean, one of the things about him in everyday life was -- youknow, when he'd leave to give his private lessons, he'd often phone home, andhe'd say stuff like, You got any mail today? And if you'd say no, he'd hang upon you. You had a question of him, like, What time are you coming home? There'ssomething in the house that needed to be attended to. No! He'd already asked theone -- one question that he'd asked, which was "Was there any mail there today?"Was there anything there for him? If the answer was no, he'd just as often asnot just hang up. (laughs) And so, this is typical Sholem. You have to go findhim, right -- find him in the cemetery. It's just one of the practicalities in 129:00their lives that they didn't think about. Anyhow.
CW: I was wondering if there would be something you might want to read of his.
You know, maybe from the early work or from the "Vayse hoyz [White house]."
DS: Yeah.
CW: I mean, they're long books, but is there a passage that you might want to
read for us?
DS: Uh -- um --
CW: Or from "Shrayber," maybe? But maybe to see the verse, you know.
DS: Yeah. You know what, he has -- either in both -- in "The White House" and
"In kanade" he has very -- really great introductory passages about Montreal and 130:00the train leaving Montreal.
[BREAK IN RECORDING]
DS: A little bit of it in Yiddish, and then most of it in English. 'Cause it
really gives his -- you know, as a new immigrant, a flavor of what he'sencountered after he's arrived in Canada. This is sort of on the way to thesanatorium. Actually, the opening poem here is, of course, dedicated to my mother.
[BREAK IN RECORDING]
DS: So, this is the opening poem in "Dos vayse hoyz." This is Velvl. He's going
to the sanatorium. And this is the trip in a train that he's taking to theLaurentians to the sanatorium. So, "In vagon [In the train car]." "[Yiddish -02:10:58 to 02:12:25]." 132:00 131:00
[BREAK IN RECORDING]
DS: "Outdoors frosty white, the train races in the hills with its glistening
metallic ice. In heavy coat, soft and warm, Velvl, all huddled in his tall,emaciated form, sits by a window, pensive, heartsore, apprehensive. His eyes, adeeply solemn brown, marvel at the mountain with its icy silver crown. Velvlthinks this train on lonely tracks carrying his bag of bones away from bustlingcity marts will leave him here, somewhere out here, all alone, among the hillsof ice and stone. The car is full of speech and smoke, the smell of bagels, 133:00poppy seeds, and buns. Farmer children sit and munch, shouting, teasing, all infun. In clean and unpatched coats and shoes, each child, from an orange,fragrant, fresh, sips the tiny, bracing juice. Velvl's thoughts go soaring hometo his childhood home where hunger gnawed to the tender flesh and bones. Velvlsees himself again in a tailor workshop where they sang of a tomorrow rife withrich and sated tables, and the shtetl hunger clamped along for cities far andfabled. From Canada from his cousin he received this note: 'Dear Velvl, I'msending papers, money for the train and boat. I'm all alone; the landsmen[immigrants from the same region] never come to visit. All they ever do is eat,and they never fill their hungry teeth. The city's here big and lovely. Sundaysyou can go to a movie. (laughs) You have a mountain standing in the very middleof town. In summertime, vacationers come from miles around. All year long we eatfresh vegetables and fruits from orchard and from field. One thing, though: the 134:00winters here are very cold, but unlike the shtetel back in Poland, here theydon't begrudge the iron stove its bucketful of shiny coal. You won't be the onlyone coming from the shop at night on aching feet, but I'm sure you'll put somemeat upon your skinny bones. There's always plenty to eat here. Warmestgreetings, then, from me and from my husband. Elka Greenspan, your favoritecousin.' With a heart filled full of prayers, Velvl rides through foreign landsand busy city thoroughfares. And now he's at the Singer machine, and through thewindow there -- there in the mountain and the city can be plainly seen. Hislimbs by weariness are smitten. His heart spills over, countless poems stillunwritten." Should I keep going? I mean, this is another -- oh, this is a coupleof more pages here. Do you want me to keep going, or --
CW: It's up to you. If it -- I think it gives a sense, but if you want to read
DS: Yeah, I mean, it gives a sense of his new life and also his nostalgia for --
at the time, for -- yeah, I think I'll stop here.
CW: Okay.
DS: Yeah. Yeah. One thing: about a year ago, my -- he gives a bit of a portrayal
of Montreal, a little bit here. Although I think in the "Mishpokhe [Family]" and"In kanade" there's a poem there at the beginning that I like better. But mycousin Aaron told me there's a museum of history in Montreal, and he said he andhis wife went there just to look at the exhibit. And she said on the main floor-- I don't know if it's still there -- there're quotations from three Montrealwriters: Hugh McClellan [sic], who's a -- who wrote a book about the explosion 136:00of a munitions ship in Halifax Harbor and one of English Canada's most -- inthat area, one of their most respected writers; a French writer; and then aquotation from my father. Which he says -- and it's in French. And it sayssomething about, "This is my home, Montreal." He said, "I worship its halls andits stone buildings." Words to that effect. He said there are a few lines there.And I thought -- I thought (laughs) my father would be just thrilled that hewould have this kind of acknowledgment in a city where he spent the bulk of hislife. Anyway, I haven't been back to Montreal in a while, but I am planning to 137:00go to the museum and say, Gee, that's great. Thank you. So --